SOCIALIST APPEAL MAY 11, 1940 The Negro Question Canadian Seamen in First Major Wartime Strike James Connolly, Symbol of Irish GEORGE CLARKE OPENS NATIONAL Freedom Fight TOUR; IN BOSTON LYNN NOW LABOR WITH WHITE SKIN CANNOT EMANCIPATE ITSELF WHERE LABOR WITH BKARL SKIN 1S BRANDID. KAR Strike Began April 15, Lasted Six Days Despite Wartime Government Pressure; Behind Robert Birchman Compromise Gives Men 50 Raise (Continued from Page 1)
The Chicago Defender, in an editorial (May 4)
May 12 is the 24th anniversary of the execuon the recent session of the National Negro Constep toward Improving these tion of James Connolly, foremost Irish revoluparations being made there by defenses is likely to be an eargress, states: tionary But of the National Negro Congress, we exTORONTO, Canada The first major wartime strike in our party branch to secure a big ly start toward construction of Connolly is the symbol of the 700 year struggle pect much, for much is indeed needed. We ex Canadá has been conducted with militancy and determination turnout of steel workers to hear the much discussed, long de for Irish freedom. But he is more than just a pect leadership of a high political order, by over five thousand Great Lakes seamen, 90 of those Comrade Clarke speak on New layed international highway symbol of a nationalist struggle. He is the sym Jobs for Negroes in all spheres of our inDeal Turns War Deal the Gov through Canada to Ink Can bol of the only force in society that can lead the dustrial life; relief for Negroes without dismanning the lake boats, who voted to strike when the bosses ernment Drive Against Labor. ada with its Alaska territory. struggle for national liberation of oppressed peocrimination, schools and still more schools, refused to negotiate or even meet the Canadian Seamen UnThe Youngstown meeting takes From other sources It was ples. The words of Connolly, written thirty years medical ad free and adequate, these are the place Sunday, May 19, p. at learned that the two men had ion to reach a new agreement.
ago, are equally true today: needs of the hour.
123 Federal Street. Ques discussed the grave world crisAfter a week of heroic struggle in which the seamen But on whom devolves the task of achlev. Let there be a demand for a five billion doltions and discussion from the is relation to the pledge ing the downfall of the ruling classes in Irelar housing program to be continued for five stood firm against a murderous combination of shipowners, floor will follow Comrade Clarke given by President Roosevelt land? On the Irish people. But who are the federal government officials, their cops and courts, and a address.
years.
Irish people?
In a speech at Kingston, Ontar Negro America needs to be heard. Let Its Is it the dividend hunting capitalist with The rest of Comrade Clarke io, in August, 1988.
campaign of lies and slander volce be heard so loudly at home that it will termined to prevent the seamen schedule on tour follows: That speech was Roosevelt the phraseology of patriotism on his lips and resound abroad.
by the kept press, the union from slicing off a slab of these the spoll wrung from sweated Irish tollers in The All Indian National Congress has chalSyracuse. Tues. May 14 famous pledge that the will membership accepted a settle profits, and refused to meet the Rochester. Wed. May 16 not stand idly by if domination his pockets; is it the scheming lawyermost lenged the democracy of Britain and held it up ment arrived at by the union terms. Instead the bosses and is threatened by Immoral of all classes; is it, the slum landlord Buffalo. Thurs. May 18 of Canadian solli for the scorn of civilized men. Let the National Pittsburgh. Fr. Sat. May 17 18 any other empire.
who denounces rackrenting in the country and negotiating committee, for a their press began a campaign of Negro Congress do the same here.
Youngstown. Sun. May 19 It is interesting to note that practices it in the towns; Is It anyone of these There is no need to be squirmish. If we want 50 increase in wages for all describing the strike as illegal Akron.
Mon. May 20 the Tribune headlined this sections who today dominate Irish politice Or democracy let us act that way. Democracy is ratings, with a board to be set and an act of sabotage during the Cleveland Is It not rather the Irish working class the war, and turned loose on the unTues. May 21 story: Highway would be vital GEORGE OLARKE never given. It must be taken.
Toledo.
up to conduct hearings on the ion their big hounds, the federal. Wed. May 22 for troops If Russia or Japan only secure foundation on which a free nation Flint. Black America will follow If the National. Thurs. May 29 should attack. There was no can be reared the Irish working class which further demands of the sea government.
Detroit Negro Congress will lead.
has borne the brunt of every political struggle,. Fri. MAY 24 The seamen threw back the men.
Many of the sentimenta expressed in this ediand gained by none, and which is today the George Clarke, member of the South Bend. Sat. May 28 mention of this little detall in. only class in all Ireland which has no interest torial are objectives that should be the aim of Despite the blows directed 5000 of us, where will you get the National Committee of the So: Chicago. Sun Tues. May 26 28 the body of the story. Like the In perpetuating elther the political or social cialist Workers Party, opened his Twin Cities. Wed. Fri. May 29 81 projected fortifications of the the Negro people of America. The voice of the against them from all direction experienced men to run the boats: coast to coast speaking tour Fri Omaha. Sun, Jane Aleutian Islands, close both to Negroes needs to be heard and in no uncertain forms of oppression the British connection or during the strike, the seamen had the government could not in day night in New Haven.
the capitalist system.
in The Irish working class must emancipate against discrimination, and above all in the fight ponents with their own press, ganized labor all along the Takes Tonight, tomorrow and Moon Salt Lake City. monFsiJune highway would be no les im itself, and in emancipating itself it must, peragainst war. But to expect that this job will be leaflets and public meetings. The was rallying to the support of the day he will be speaking in Boston San Francisco. Mon. Sun. June achieved by the National Negro Congress is hop men showed every readiness to seamen. Longshoremen from im and Lynn 10 16 Inclusive portant If the United States force, free its country. The act of social emaning for that which will not be.
Aght on to complete victory. portant Canadian pots wired As we go to press, word comes Fresno. Mon. June 17 should attack Russia or Japcipation requires the conversion of the land and the instruments of production from private The National Negro Congress was not, as some War Raised Living Cost that they would not touch a hot from Youngstown of special pre Los Angeles. Tues. June 18 an.
property Into the public or common property of delegates expressed it, kidnapped by the ComLike the rest of labor, the sea ship.
the entire nation. This necessitates social munist Party at the sessions in Washington. The men felt the impact of the war in Congress has from the very beginning been the Leaders Compromise system of the most absolute democracy, and in owners then sent another agent the rising cost of living. The 15 establishing that necessary social system the baby of the Stalinists. They organized it in the increase in living costs made in American side of the lakes sent a the person of McLarty, minister working class must grapple with every form of heyday of their People Front line. What makes tolerable the already low sea similar promise from their pow of labor. On entering the commitgovernment which could interfere with the it less acceptable to many now is the change in men living standards. deck erful organization. Shipping was tee room the first words he utline of the Stalinists from one of support of hands, the most numerous rating. tied up as tight as a granny knottered were in effect: This illegal most unfettered control by the people of Ireland of all the resources of their country.
Roosevelt to one of opposition. This was the basic were getting 55 a month driven and not a cargo could be moved. strike must end at once. The neConnolly stood for industrial unionism. He held cause of the reason for Randolph refusal to take like slaves for seven months of the lead of the Congress.
that the craft. unions divided the workers where the year, usually spending the President Harry Lundeberg gotiation committee agreed to the of the Seafarers International government. shipping company An exciting six day period has Chicago above all they should be united, in their daily toil The main actions of the Congress were: other five months on relief, pickToledo in the fields and workshops. The division must be The acceptance of the offer of John Lewis ing up odd jobs or bumming Union of America, of which the proposals of a 50 increase per followed the launching of Fourth Canadian Seamen Union is an month and a board to hear the International, new Monthly Mag San Diego ended by a union embracing all workers of hand dimes. They were working a 12to establish a working agreement with Labor autonomous affiliate, wired un dispute.
azine of the Socialist Workers Quakertown and brain in each industry. He envisaged these Non Partisan League, hour day, seven day week on the lons and central labor bodies in Party. Subscriptions and bundle Indianapolis boats.
Industrial unions as the main instruments of 80Workers Dissatisfied orders have rolled in from all Kansas all American lake ports on be2. To condemn this imperialist war and the cial revolution, the very foundation of the future During the latter part of the considerable part of the un over the country.
Ohio.
society.
policies of the Roosevelt administration which winter, therefore, in locals spread half of the striking seamen, and secured promises of coop ion membership did not agree Branches everywhere, instead.
New York State lead toward war, and to cooperate with the out in a far ffung net from Fort Connolly was an internationalist and a revolutionary fighter against the imperialist war. DurPittsburgh progressive and labor forces working for peace. Williams to Quebec City, the un eration which assured complete with the committee actions in of cutting their magazine orders the strike on the thus compromising with the ship with the fight from the party of Lynn.
ing the war the headquarters of the union which To press for immediate passage of the anti ion membership hammered out a support owners. At a meeting of one of the petty bourgeois opposition, San Francisco.
he led, the Transport Workers Union Liberty lynching bill.
series of demands to be served on American side. the largest locals a member from are instead increasing their or Washington, Hall in Dublin was decorated with a huge banThere is no question that the Negroes must Events demonstrated that the the floor proposed agreement an ders. Many of the orders are acthe shipowners. Their main deAllentown.
ner that read: We serve nelther King nor Kalsalign themselves with the organized labor movemands were: seamen were prepared to carry one condition, that all the scabe companied by cash on the line. Houston, Texas er! Connolly was bitter in his attacks against ment in the formation of a Labor Party repre closed shop, with all hiring the strike through to victory. But first be removed from the boats. Subscriptions, above all, with Philadelphia those who supported the war the Irish boursentative of the interests of the oppressed and through unton halls. Every a section of the leadership showed In effect this would have meant their dollar and two dollar payNebraska.
geoisie and petty bourgeois nationalists. He openexploited masses of the workers and Negroes.
ship unlon ship was the a basic weakness: inability to a closed shop, exactly what the ments attached, are coming into Tacoma, Wash.
ly preached revolutionary defeatism. He looked But one cannot expect any real action in this dislogan. Under the 1988 agree place complete confidence in the membership saw as necessary if the office at a good pace. Here is South Carolina upon the pending struggle not merely as an Irish rection from the Stalinist manipulated National ment they had had a preferen union membership to beat the the union was not to be weakened the total for less than one week! Louisville, Ky affair: Starting thus, Ireland may yet set the Negro Congress, which will betray the Negroes tial clause, whereby the ship bosses, government and cops.
by the presence of scabs on the New York City. 17 Wisconsin.
torch to a European conflagration that will not tomorrow just as they did yesterday and do to owners were forced to hire The negotiation committee boats. The whole local to a man St. Paul.
Connecticut burn out until the last throne and the last caplday.
through the union halls in pre sought and was granted the pow raised their fists and in a mighty. 11 talist bond and debentur are shrivelled up on The Negro people of America must organize ference to taking non union er to make alteration in the u roar shouted: Aye, first clear the Minneapolis. 10 Total. 99 the funeral pyre of the last war lord.
on a militant basis in cooperation with the or.
hands, and the bosses were out ion demands; gave up the de scabs off the boats. It was only He was no pacifist. He was a partisan of the ganized labor movement in a Labor Party. That to do away with this.
And branches and sympathizers mand for a closed shop entirely, after some of the union heads had the strike, find themselves on the war of the working class and colonial peoples is the only way that they can achieve Jobs, eco Three extra men on board each reduced the number of extra men harangued the men for about an beach.
assure us that they haven even against the imperialists.
nomic security, fight discrimination. The Chicago ship. This would permit three to one for a ship, and scaled the hour that the men finally agreed The conciliation The inspiration of Connolly to the Irish labor Defender is right when it says: Democracy is shifts, thus Introducing the wage increase down 10. 00 to a counter proposal by the lead meet and we know in advance This is a good record of party and nationalist movement still lives. Despite the never given. It must be taken. The only way in elght hour day.
month, asking in return a renewership that they take every that its decisions will favor the aigtance to travel to go over the memorating the Easter Week rising of 1916 for but we still have a great government ban, huge meetings were held comwhich democracy can be taken is to organize for 15 Increase in monthly al of the 1938 agreement. measure to see that the scabs are shipowners just as the governthe abolition of the social system that refuses to wages.
The shipowners instead, adopt cleaned off the ships.
ment labor ministers carried out top. Get those dollars up, com which Connolly was executed. Meetings now takgrant democracy. Democracy can only be achiev Since September the companies es a more blustering attitude, As was predicted by those who the orders of the shipping bosses. rades and friends. And get out ing place against conscription, and the growing ed when the Negroes in co operation with their had raised shipping rates for manding through the agency of held out for a closed shop, the The union must be prepared to your contact lists to round up a ing cost of living, are clear indications that the white brothers create a socialist society. The wheat, their largest cargo, from the government a compulsory ar companies have refused to fire the back up its demands to the board second week subscriptions that strike wave for increased wages to meet the rigStalinists are the deadliest enemy of socialism, as 34 cents to cents a bushel, thus bitration board and promising in scabs and strikebreakers and to by another, more determined will outstrip by far this excellent ing cost of living, are clear indications that the Stalin bloody rule over the workers of Russia doubling thelr profits. the meanwhile a 00, and later date hundreds of union seamen, strike once it hands down its de first week. Bulld the press of the struggle for Irish freedom continues.
James Condemonstrates But the shipowners were de a 50, wage increase. The ship signed up with their ships before cision Fourth International!
nolly is the father of today struggles.
The longshorem on the cow meet the union committed to SUBS ARE POURING IN FOR THE FOURTH INTERNATIONAL Boston.
board will started!
The Struggle for a Proletarian Party By JAMES CANNON National Secretary, This is the fourth of a series of articles by Comrade for the workers movement. It is a slander on the Marxist Cannon, to acquaint our readers with the party estimate of wing of the party to attribute such sentiments to us. On the the dispute which arose in the party, was debated in a seven other hand, we are not unduly impressed by mere learning and months discussion, and was settled by a declslye majority at atill less by pretensions to it. We approach this question, as all the Third National Convention, April 9. questions, critically.
Our movement, the movement of scientific socialism, judges things and people from a class point of view. Our aim is the The Intellectuals and the Workers organization of a vanguard party to lead the proletarian struggle for power and the reconstitution of society on socialist foundaThe outspoken proletarian orientation of the majority is rep tions. That is our science. We Judge all people, coming to us from resented by Burnham an expression of antagonism to intel another class, by the extent of their real identification with lectuals as such, and as an ignorant backwoods prejudice against our class, and the contributions they can make which aid the education in general. In his major document, The War and Bu proletariat in its struggle against the capitalist class. That is reaucratic Conservatism, he writes: Above all, an anti intellec the framework within which we objectively consider the problem tual and anti intellectuals attitude is drummed into the minds of the intellectuals in the movement. If at least 99 out of every of party members. The faction associates are taught, quite lit 100 intellectuals to speak with the utmost conservatism erally, to despise and soorn intellectuals and intellectualism. who approach the revolutionary labor movement turn out to be For reasons best known to themselves, Shachtman and Abern more of a problem than an asset it is not at all because of our sign their names to this protest and take sides in a conflict prejudices against them, or because we do not treat them with where they have every right to proclaim neutrality.
the proper consideration, but because they do not comply with The Workers Age, organ of the Lovestoneites, which is fol the requirements which alone can make them useful to us in lowing our internal discussion with unconcealed sympathy for our struggle.
the opposition, enters the scuffle as an interested partisan. Com In the Communist Manifesto, in which the theory and program menting on a remark in my published speech, to the effect that of scientific socialism was first formally promulgated, it was worker elements engaged in the class struggle understand the already pointed out that the disintegration of the ruling capitalist Russian question better than the more educated scholastics, the class precipitates sections of that class the proletariat; and Workers Age of March 9th says: This is obviously aimed at that others a smaller section to be sure, and mainly individuals Burnham, who has the misfortune of being educated. What is cut themselves adrift the decaying capitalist class and this kind of a slur but the old Stalinist demagogy contrasting the supply the proletariat with fresh elements of enlightenment and virtuous, clear sighted proletarian element to the wicked, con progress. Marx and Engels themselves, the founders of the movefused intellectual. It is the same kind of rotten, unprincipled ment of scientific socialism, came to the proletariat from another demagogy, make no mistake about it!
class. The same thing is true of all the other great teachers of Let us see. The question at issue is the attitude of proletarian our movement, without exception.
revolutionists to educated members of the petty bourgeois class Lenin, Trotsky, Plekhanov, Luxembourg none of them were who come over to the proletarian movement. This is an important proletarians in their social origin, they came over to the question and deserves clarification. Burnham is indubitably an in proletariat and became the greatest of proletarian leaders. Th tellectual, as his academic training, profession and attainments order to do that, however, they had to desert their own class and teatify. There is nothing wrong in that, as such, and we cannot join the revolutionary class, the class that holds the future in have the slightest reason to reproach him for it. We are quite its hands. They made this transfer of class allegiance uncondiwell aware, as Marx said, that ignorance never did anybody tionally and without any reservations. Only so could they become any good, and we have nothing in common with vulgar preju genuine representatives of their adopted class, and merge themdices against educated people which are cultivated by rascally selves completely with it, and eliminate every shadow of conflict demagogues serve their own ends. Lenin wrote to Gorky on this between them and revolutionists of proletarian origin. There was point: Of course was not dreaming of persecuting the intelli and could be no problem in their case.
gentsia as the stupid little Syndicalists do, or to deny its necessity The conflict between the proletarian revolutionists and the petty bourgeois intellectuals in our party, as in the labor movement generally in the whole world for generation after generation, does not at all arise from ignorant prejudices the workers against them. It arises from the fact that they neither cut themselves adrift from the alien classes, as the Communist Manifesto specified, nor do they join the revolutionary class, in the full sense of the word. Unlike the great leaders mentioned above, who came over to the proletariat unconditionally and all the way, they hesitate half way between the class alternatives.
Their intelligence, and to a certain extent also their knowledge, impels them to revolt against the intellectual and spiritual atag.
nation of the parasitic ruling class whose system reeks with decay.
On the other hand, their petty bourgeois spirit holds them back from completely identifying themselves with the proletarian class and its vanguard party, and re shaping their entire lives in a new proletarian environment. Herein is the source of the problem of the intellectuals.
The revolutionary workers movement, conscious that it holds the future in its hands, is self assured, imperious, exacting in the highest degree. It repels all flirtations and half allegiances.
It demands from everyone, especially from leaders, all or nothing. Not their education, as the Lovestoneite sympathizers of our party opposition maintain, brings the intellectuals into conflict with the proletarian cadres of the party, but their pettybourgeois spirit, their miserable halfness, their absurd ambition to lead the revolutionary labor movement in their spare time.
It is not true that the advanced militant workers are hostile to education and prejudiced against educated people. Just the contrary. They have an exaggerated respect for every intellectual who approaches the movement and an exaggerated appreciation of every little service he renders. This was never demonstrated more convincingly than in the reception accorded to Burnham when he formally entered our movement, and in the extraordinary consideration that has been given to him all this time. He became a member of the National Committee without having served any apprenticeship in the class struggle. He was appointed one of the editors of our theoretical journal. All the recognition and the honors of a prominent leader of the party were freely accorded to him.
His scandalous attitude towards the responsibilities of leadership: his consistent refusal to devote himself to party work as a profession, not as an avocation; his haughty and contemptuous attitude toward his party co workers; his disrespect for our tradition, and even for our international organization leadership all this and more was passed over in silence by the worker elements in the party, by no means with approval. It was not until Burnham came out into the open in an attempt to overthrow our program that the worker elements of the party rose up against him and called him to order. His attempt now to represent this revolutionary action as an expression of ignorant prejudice against him because of his learning is only another, and most revealing, exhibition of his own petty bourgeois spirit and petty bourgeois contempt for the workers. proletarian party that is theoretically schooled in the scientific doctrines of Marxism cannot be intimidated by anybody, nor disoriented by a few unfortunate experiences. The fact that the learned Professor Burnham revealed himself as just another petty bourgeois may possibly engender a little more caution in regard to similar types in the future. But it will not change anything in the fundamental attitude of the workers vanguard towards the intellectuals from the bourgeois world who approach the movement in the future. Instructed by this experience it is possible that the next one who comes along will have to meet stiffer conditions. It is hardly likely that in the future anyone be permitted to make pretensions to leadership unless he makes a clean break with his alien class environment and comes over to live in the labor movement. More visiting will not be encouraged.
The American movement has had very bad experience with intellectuals. Those who have appeared on its horizon up to date have been a pretty shabby crew. Adventurers, careerists, selfseekers, dilletantes, quitters under fire that is the wretched picture of the parade of intellectuals through the American labo: movement as painted by themselves. Daniel De Leon stands out as the great exception. He was not merely an intellectual. He war man and a nighter, a partisan incapable of any divided allegiance.
Once he had decided to come over to the proletarian class, the stale atmosphere of the bourgeois academic world became intolerable for him. He departed from the university, slamming the door behind him, and never once looked back. Thereafter, to the end of his life, he identified himself completely with the socialist movement and the struggle of the workers. Revolutionary workers of the present generation remember him with gratitude for that, without thereby overlooking his political errors. Other, and we hope, greater De Leons, will come to us in the future, and they will receive a whole hearted welcome from the party of the proletarian vanguard. They will not feel sensitive if we scrutinize their credentials and submit them to a certain apprenticeship.
They will not be offended if we insist on an explicit understanding that their task is to interpret and apply the proletarian science of Marxism, not to palm of a bourgeois substitute for it. The new De Leons will readily understand that this preliminary examination is simply a precaution against the infiltration of intellectual phones and does not signify, in any way whatever, a prejudice against intellectuals who really come to serve the proletarian cause.
The genuine Marxist intellectuals who come to us will understand the cardinal point of our doctrine, that socialism is not simply a moral ideal, as Burnham tries to instruct us in the year 1940. 92 years after the Communist Manifesto but the necessary outcome of an irreconcilable class struggle conducted by the proletariat against the bourgeoisie. It is the workers who must make the revolution and it is workers who must compose the proletarian vanguard party. The function of the Marxdat intellectual is to aid the workers in their struggle. He can do it constructively only by turning his back on the bourgeois world and joining the proletarian revolutionary camp, that is, by ceasing to be a pettybourgeois. On that basis the worker Bolsheviks and the Marxist intellectuals will get along very well together.