SOCIALIST APPEAL February 12, 1937 Page Crucible Strikers Win Curran Gets UMW Convention Party Resolutionis Despite Hague Threats To Vote Wat Bans Communists TRADE UNION MOVEMENT and the From Membership Victory Faked the plant.
few scattered Militant Policy Need In St. Louis Program Mapped At sing this em be datrick, this Convention NEW YORK. Some 000 strikers inMajority of Points Won tation aided the members of the National Mamensely.
After Week Strike; Already, in other steel plants, February 1, heard the Sailors ritime Union, meeting here Kaempf Cheered organizing is proceeding more Union of the Pacific charged The following is the second installment of the rerapidly. Five union men were with discriminating against JERSEY CITY, Orgareinstated in one big steel plant.
Vote Aids Bureaucrats. solution on the trade union question adopted by East Coast men and demandnized Labor gained its biggest Jersey City will be organized ed a statement from the To Act Against the convention of the Socialist Workers Party.
victory against the anti union if the o. follows the policies regarding its stand in Real Militants policies of am the Law Frank which the steel workers used in the matter.
The militant vanguard must constantly stress the fact that Hague, boss of Jersey City, when the Crucible strike.
Professing opposition to the Stormy re affirmation of an neither industrial unionism nor unity, by themselves, solve the the Crucible Steel strikers won civil war resolution defeat old resolution barring Commun problems of the working class and its struggle. In its way, the majority of their demands ed by militants the previous ist Party members from the each is a step forward for labor which facilitates its further after one week shut down of week, Joe Curran, ranks of the United Mine Work.
progress. Unification is always desirable because it enables labor Picket lines were maintained to present a more solid and effective front. Industrial unionism moderate proposal differ. last week at the closing session throughout the strike, although aids in the development of rank and file democratic control and ing in no essential from the or its convention in Washington.
Hague has often threatened defeated measure.
in militant mass action, and promotes the best functioning of the Communist Party spokesdrastic action against any Leaders Try To Conceal organized workers in the modern big machine industries.
If within ten days the man, taking the ficor with a plea union which organized in Defeat To Protect does not issue a public sta for tolerance, was shouted But unless the industrial unions, or the union moyement in his bailiwick, Prestige tement acceptable to down with cries of throw him generai, function as class struggle organizations, they present Leader Gets Cheers leaders, the district out.
to the working class no decisive and lasting advantages. Class committee will have power to collaboration under whatever form or structure finally yields An enthusiastic mass meeting NEW YORK CITY. How take the following contempResolution All Inclusive only defeat for the working class. The correct basis for the of the strikers voted to approve strike victories are faked in lated steps. 1) Pull West Stalinist controlled Unions in orUnlike Homer Martin attack union movement can only be found in the theory and practise the terms of the agreement as der to maintain the prestige of Coast men off East Coast upon the Stalinists, which center of the class struggle, in the widest inner union democracy, in outlined by the negotiation com the leadership at all costs was books. 2) deny ships unless they take cut led upon the pro war po. rank and file control, and in a leadership and policies based upon mittee. Cheers for Ed Kaempf. brought out by the Progressive shipping rights to West Coast licy and specifically stated that the class struggle and workers democracy.
the fight against it did not ined the strike, showed the work Group of Local 16 of the United sermen; 3) open Class struggle policies and leadership, and union democracy, volve undemocratic procedure in are at minimum in the of and in the The bulk ers response to his militant Office Workers Union in connec halls on the West Coast. the union ranks, the tion with the recent strike of of the leadership of both sections of the union movement have leadership There was no organized re resolution was reactionary in The morale of the Crucible over forty office workers in thesistance to these proposals of character.
in common the fact that they both serve as the labor lieutenants unionists had been low in some the Ledger, official organ of the Curran. barrage of words of the capitalist class and are the defenders, basically, of the The resolution, re adopted as from the speakers platform, an article of the constitution, capitalist system. All the difference between the two movements fan. The workers today are the Union, the claim is made of a charging progressive non groups the Industrial Workers ships can be ignored only at the greatest peril to the proper notwithstanding, this common fundamental feature of the leadermost spirited in the state. Every victory in Howard and the Stalinist West Coast unions of the World, the Working Class one of them understands the granting of Union recognition with wrecking national unity Union, the One Big Union, with orientation of the militant vanguard. The of bureaugreat chances they had taken Actually twenty one of the 42 of the maritime workers, the Communist Party, the Nacracy is the classic representative of class collaboration policies when a strike was called in workers involved lost their jobs, caused the militants to weak tional Chamber of Commerce, and in the labor movement, with its theory of the harmony of Hague anti labor territory.
and only four out of the 42 worken, and only a the Ku Klux Klan, making no interests of employer and employee, and the acceptance of caVisions of police brutality, ers are now members of the noes greeted the revised distinction between sincere workpitalism implied in the slogan of a fair day pay for a fair mass arrests and other means of Union. The rest are completely civil war resolution. ing class groups and capitalist day work. The same bureaucracy has, consequently, not re.
terrorism stood before the work demoralized by the Stalinist seli. ganizations, or between the coiled from the most arbitrary and repressive measures against ers throughout the strike. They out. The facts are as follows: as a pro capitalist party every militant and revolutionary minority that has threatened watched each move of the police Strike Voted and the outright organizations its rule and its policies.
with apprehension.
of American capitalism.
After weeks of futile negotia Police Cautious tions between the Union and the No Political Motives Leadership Also Reactionary But nation wide publicity fore Howard Stores, a strike was Thus, in line with Lewis traFundamentally, the role of the leadership has been ed the police to be cagey. The voted by the forty two office ditional policy within his own Progressives In Ford union, the resolution can, and in no less reactionary. It has performed the function of steering fact that the workers were all workers involved. After picketthe spontaneous and independent class action of the workers Jersey City residents and that ing a day and half, the strikers Strike Urge New all likelihood will be used as an organized under its banner back onto the road of class collaborathe company has an odious repu. were informed by the manager of the Howard Stores that the Fighting Tactics excuse to bar genuine militants tion, of employer employee harmony, of reliance upon the strike had been called off. Beand revolutionists rather than Roosevelt, e. the capitalist government, its institutions and its ST. LOUIS, Mo. The United servile Stalinists from the impartial mediation. The failure of the Little Steel strike strikers got in touch with Union Automobile Workers strike a only emphasized the ruinous results of this course. The most headquarters and were informed sainst Henry Ford at the local No attempt was made at the elementary requirements of strike organization were ignored.
that as a result of a conference here continues unabater after convention to pursue Martin No real strike committees or mass picket lines were organized.
between Lewis Merrill, in three months, despite increased policy of exposing the Stalinists The workers were not given to understand that the strike was ternational president of the Of. pedice terror against the work on the ground of their warto be a real and vigorous class action and that victory depended Two Day Session Opens fice Workers Union, and the ers, and the cooperation of the mongerine and support of the upon their own might, their own militaney, their own organiNew Phase of Work manager of Howard s, the strike capitalist press with Ford anti Roosevelt le armament program, zation For Party had been as well as their dictatorial rule or that all on plans.
Aided and abetted by the Stalinists who follow their line, workers were to go back to work The strike was forced on the ruin policy in the union moveunion by a lockout which the ment.
Lewis and Murray repressed the militant forces in favor of NEW YORK The first New Monday morning.
an appeal to and dependence on official action by the president Weak Kneed Defense On Monday, the strikers re management pulled in an effort York City convention of the SoFor seven and the governors involved. The idea that Roosevelt, and not cialist Workers Party met on ported back to work. Instead of to break the union Stalinist union bureaucrats the workers, would win the victory for the union, proved fatal, February 6 and made plans all of them being taken back months prior to September 15 the as was to be expected. Class collaboration was carried to the for the coming six months. In only twelve out of the forty two union had certain collective bar immediately took defensive at limit of welcoming Ohio National Guard in Youngstown.
addition to adopting proposals were rehired. The rest were out. saining privileges with the local titude either arguing that the The leaders and their subordinates poisoned the minds of the workers with assurances that the governor had sent the Guard the convention decided to launch Union, they received no instruc employes, ninety per cent were whatever decisions it desires or refusing to comment at all. to keep the plants closed, and thereby help the workers defeat a campaign against Roosevelt tions to resume picketing. Not in the union.
Clarence Hathaway issued a the employers.
Ford Police Take Over war preparations, linked to a only that but the Union permittatement for the in which The bureaucratic management of the new unions drive for party membership and ted the twelve rehired to remain the increased sale of the Socialist at work. That evening the strik After the seasonal shut down, he assured his followers that is notorious. The Lewis Hillman Murray clique, aware of the Appeal. There were 31 delegates ers were told that beginning the re employment of the men was this is not the beginning of a danger to their leadership and policies represented by the mass representing 13 branches. next day picketing would again taken out of the hands of local drive against the Communists.
unionization of the aggressive unskilled workers in the largemanagement and placed in charge large numbers of Communist The convention revealed that be resumed by the Union.
scale industries, sought to paralyze rank and file control in ad.
On Tuesday morning when the of Ford private police service loyally working to build the unior in the past period, one of reorvanee by establishing a bureaucratie guardianship over all the ganization and national and local strikers reported to the Union directed by Harry Bennett. and to carry out its policies, unions they organized. Neither the leadership nor the policies pre convention discussions, insuf office they were informed that flagrant policy of discrimination Despite these bland reaswere voted by the union membership. No regular organization ficient attention had been given inasmuch as a conference bet against active unionists was insurances, however, there are has been set up in most cases. Officials are appointed in the to popular mass propaganda, dis ween the Union and the employ. stituted.
worst traditions of the United Mine Workers of America.
tribution of the Socialist Appeal, er was scheduled for that day Ford strategy was to force many indications that and in general, that the city com no picketing was necessary. an isolated strike and then whip leaders expect and are fearful of concerted against them in Bureaucrats Appointed By Themselves not shown immediate responsive ers of the Howard Stores was piecemeal. Yet the auto workers well be reactionary in character The itself is a self appointed committee of leaders ness to issues as they arose.
held that evening. The workers had no other choice but to go which has never been ratified by the rank and file. The inability were militant, demanding strike strike against the discrimination unless militants see to it that its of the latter to determine their leadership or decide upon the action and a light to the finish or to allow the union to be broken political, instead of purely orgaPetter Union Work policies of the various Organizing Committees has already Marked improvement was re back.
until all the workers were taken without a struggle. strike was nizational.
produced a bad reaction in the organizations, manifesting itself called.
corded in trade union work. In Escorting scabs into the plants in a decline of interest, falling into indifference, reduced atseveral unions the Stalinist cam Try To Discourage tendance at meetings etc. The can be restored to its paign to drive the militants out full strength and effectiveness, and put in a position to exploit The administration did every the city police. Besides, workers of the movement was met with thing to discourage the workers, were continually arrested, picket all the possibilities of growth before it, only in a relentless struggle against the poison of class collaborationism and bureaucratattack. number of trade union pointing out the difficulties of lines broken, strikers framed on ism, and against the leadership that represents them.
If neither industrial uniorism, nor unity, as such, are a ing this period. The report show the Union could not finance the ceivable anti union activity fom (Continued from page lution of the problem, they are nevertheless steps in that direced that about two thirds of the strike, that a continuance of the ented.
strike would lead to demoralizaparty are members of trade tion, etc. In spite of this, howtion. The problem itself may be summed up as follows: the Strikers Firm with Japan espionage system triumph of a militant leadership in the unions, basing itself on unions.
ever, on a motion as to how All the false stories in the in this country. Tresca was class struggle policies, union democracy, and rank and file control, In the Workers Alliance, the many would picket, thirty out of press, and the strike breaking promptly subpoenaed.
Of all the labor political groups in the trade unions today, Stalinist campaign had created forty present raised their hands. activities of the police, however, Tresca declared that Poyntz which is indicated to promote a solution of this key problem?
a large procentiem opposition to and expulsion organizer read the names of the the morale of the strikers.
Before a vote was taken, the have not succeeded in breaking was lured or kidnapped to the The Communist Party was once the organizer of the proSoviet Union because she knew gressive and left wing movement in the trade unions. It has of militants. In view of increas twenty one of the forty two boycott against Ford is succeed too much. He said he knew the ed lay offs caused by the eco whom Howard was willing to re ing. Only 75 cars a day are being man who he believed was responcompletely abandoned this role today. In the period of its rese.
nomic recession, the workers are employ. The rest would be put made in the plant.
sible for spiriting the woman tionary degeneration, it has been reduced to the position of an being pitted against the LaGuar in a preferential list and rehired Dependence government leader out of the country after agency in the American trade unions, representing the interests dia and Roosevelt administra as soon as vacancies occurred. agencies has been one of the she had broken with the Stalinand responding exclusively to the commands of the anti Soviet tions much to the embarrass. This last move broke the spirit chief weaknesses in strike strate ist party, bureaucracy of the Kremlin ment of the Communist Party of the strikers and the motion gy. Main emphasis has been placThe convention recognized work to call off the strike carried.
ed on National Labor Relations Forward Names Ilim Stalinists Are Servile Flunkeys among the jobless as a major board hearings which drag out task in the coming period and Strike Is Over interminably. Even then Ford said on February that the man (The Jewish Daily Forward Throughout the trade unions, but above all in the the adopted measures for the max The strike was over, and half can ignore the findings, and a referred to was Schachno EpStalinists are the most servile and venomous assistants of the imum utilization of the situation. the workers were out of jobs. policy of militancy must soon be stein, former editor of the New reactionary bureaucracy. They outshout the most vehement in their advocacy of class collaboration, of reliance on the Roosevelt Education Stressed Those remaining on the job were adopted if the strike is not to be York Stalinist Jewish paper, the regime, of subservience to the union officialdom. At the same completely terrorized. Since then lost through stalling around.
Freiheit, who was long suspectPlans were also adopted for the three additional have been fired, policy of rallying all work ed of being a agent. time, it must be emphasized that they nevertheless have a different basis than that of the or of bureaucracy.
extension of educational work, while 17 new workers were hired ers to support the strike by havElias Lieberman, at one time including frequent publication of by Howard from various agen ing an independent strike bulletin attorney for Miss Poyntz, came The latter, though they act as the labor lieutenants of the popular leaflets and pamphlets, cies.
His being urged by progressive forward with an attempted debourgeoisies, and base themselves on bourgeois democracy whose a drive for enrollment in the For four weeks following the unionists. The progressives are nial, but acimitted that some left, reformist wing they constitute, cannot preserve their own Marxist School, concentration on strike nothing was done by the pointing out that the fault of months ago there had been suspower as a bureaucracy without, to one extent or another, preseveral local open serving its source and foundation, namely the trade unions.
monthly open branch discussion shift for themselves. Only when place the confidence of the work picious pointing to the man Tre Their policies, in the long run, do, it is true, help destroy the meetings and the organization the news leaked out, and the in their own action on the picket had mentioned no names, Leberers in the labor board rather than sca had in mind. Since Tresca very trade unions upon which they rest; but in doing so, as of local classes in elementary Progressives got hold of the line.
shown, by the German Italian and Austrian experiences, they socialism.
man Also, unless the Ford strike statement caused some are themselves destroyed.
The brightest part of the con facts did the administration beThe Stalinist bureaucracy, even the trade unions, is, vention was the report of the gin to take action and discuss is won here, it will be more dir astonishment. Lieberman himself however, primarily an instrument of the counter revolutionary ficult to organize the main Ford named no names nor did he disYoung Peoples Socialist League. the advisability of taking the plants in Detroit. victory here close what action, if any, had all. The preservation and advancement of the interests of the Stalin bureaucracy in Russia, and serves its interests first of Enthusiasm and spirit has mark ease before the State Labor Re would inspire the Ford Workers been taken by him in the matter ed the work of the YPSL. Con tiations Board. everywhere trade unions, and the working class in general, are entirely certed activity, including an efAsks Defense Action secondary considerations, subordinated to their main function.
foctive anti war campaign, has resulted in substantial increase For them, the trade unions are primarily institutions to be con In his statement, Tresca said in membership, THE NEW INTERNATIONAL particularly verted into instruments for the People Front, for the successful It was high time for all Ameri.
among high school students and propagation of the war of the democratie imperialists against Monthly Marxist Magazine can radicals who oppose the Sta.
Stelinist youth. Steps were taken the reactionary imperialists in defense of the Stalin regime.
to insure greater cooperation lin regime to take some meaThe most consistent class collaborationists and social patriots between the party and youth or SUBSCRIBE NOW. sure of defense against the terin the working class, and in the trade union movement, are the anization.
rorism of the Soviet Stalinists. Hence, they are the most violent and bureaueratie enemy of all revolutionary and truly progressive forces in the unions. Hence, their chief slogan: Drive the Trotskyists out of the labor movement, which means, drive out of the labor move.
iment all those who stand for the class struggle, who oppose imperialist war, and the reactionary bureaucracy which is al.
ready part of the capitalist government machine today and the war machine tomorrow.
The idea that the Communist Party represents a progressive factor in the trade union movement is based upon outworn me.
mories of the past. The today is a reactionary force in the Inbor movement and must be dealt with as such. It is a pernicious influence which the vanguard elements and militants in general must fight tooth and nail to eliminate from the working class movement.
Small Likelihood Of Blocs With Blocs with the Communist Party in the trade unions are, as a rule, entirely inconceivable for the revolutionary Marxists, and are permissible only under the most extraordinary and exceptional circumstances, and provided only that the utmost vigilance is maintained towards them and the most rigid political independence is insisted upon. Ninety nine times out of a hundred, collaboration with the forces will prove permissible only under exceptional circumstances where they are part of a much more broadly organized general progressive or left wing movement of which we may also form a part.
In those unions which are under the control of the Stalinists, and in which left wing minority work is particularly difficult, it is the special duty of the revolutionists to remain doggedly at their task, to avoid and fight against expulsion, and not to leave the rank and file under the uncontested leadership of the cliques.
The Thomas Tyler Altman Socialist Party cannot be counted as a decisive progressive force in the trade unions. The is a right wing propaganda sect without direct influence of its own in the labor movement. Wherever individual members of that party occupy official or leading posts, they were gained, as a rule, not by the advancement of a militant socialist position, but as a result of adaptation to the policies and rule of the conservative union bureaucracy. This has, in fact, been the traditional method of rooting themselves in the unions pursued by the reformists.
Even over these officials, the has no control, nor does it seek to exercise any. Party discipline is employed only against those few rank and file militants who do seek to conduct a militant struggle against class collaborationism and bureaucratic leadership in the unions. However, because of the number of rank and file members who are ready to go part of the distance in a consistent struggle for left wing policies, it is permissible and necessary for the revolutionists to form blocs with them in specific instances and for specific ends.
With insignificant changes, what has been said about the applies to the Lovestone group. The positions occupied by some of its members in the trade unions have been acquired or maintained, generally speaking, by the surrender of working class principles and adaptation to the conservative bureaucracy and its policies. Examples of this re to be fo in th ational Ladies Garment Workers Union, the Shoe Workers Union, and the Auto Workers Union. As with the blocs are permissible under certain conditions with the Lovestone group.
To the extent that the Lovestoneites also come into conflict with the Stalinists and their murderous Red baiting drive against all militants, the Lovestoneites will be compelled to seek a common front at least on such clementary questions as the rights of minorities in the unions. Actuated though they are by the interest of self defense and self preservation, temporary bles with clearly limited aims are quite conecivable between the revolutionary Marxists and the Lovestoncites. Now Only Reactionary Sect From the standpoint both of its membership and its sympathizers, the plays only a limited role in the labor movement today. As an organization, it is a reactionary sect, dominated by a narrow minded anarchist clique imbued with it deep hatred of the Marxists and the Russian Revolution, and animated by the narrowest factional interests. On the other hand, as a general movement, in the sense of those former members of the who are still influenced by its ideology, it has a distinct importance in certain fields, notably in the maritime industry. Most of these elements have splendid traditions behind them and are permeated by an irreconcilable spirit of class struggle and militancy. In the maritime industry, the building of a broad progressive and militant movement requires a sincere cooperation with the best elements among the syndicalist minded workers.
At the same time we must conduct a persistent and stubborn though patient and comradely struggle to break down the antipolitical, anti Marxist prejudices inculcated into these militants and fostered by the corrupt parliamentarism and reformism of the Social Democracy and by the bureaucratism, deceit, fakery and treachery to principles of the Stalinists.
The only consistent revolutionary and progressive force in the trade union movement is represented by our party, the party of the revolutionary class struggle. It can begin to accomplish its tasks only by understanding its present relationship to them.
The party is woefully weak in general, and especially weak in the trade unions. Its influence and leadership is either local; episodic, or accidental. Very little systematic trade union work is done, and what is done is not properly organized or centralized.
Our press only casually reflects the American class struggle.
News of the trade union movement, its struggles and internal life, are accidental in its columns, dependent largely upon chance contributions of isolated comrades.
Complete Reorientation Is Demanded compete reorientation of our party, from the membership up to the leadership and back again, is absolutely imperative and unpostponable. No less drastic a reorientation is required of our weekly press. The attention of the party must be focused primarily upon the American labor movement. The energies of the party must be devoted mainly to rooting itself in the trade unions, becoming an inseparable part of the trade unions and their struggles. The bulk of the party work must be directed to this vital field of the class struggle. Unless this slogan is translated speedily into life, the party is doomed to vegetate as an impotent sect which will be washed away by the waves of the first serious social crisis.
The party membership must be rooted deeply in the trade unions. The first demand for activity that the party must make on every member is that he join the union in which he is eligible for membership. The sweep of unionism, covering virtually every craft, trade and industry, insures the possibility of virtually every worker becoming a unionist today. It should be borne in mind that if our party is to be a genuinely proletárian party, both in its composition and its ideology, it must be composed, in its decisive majority, of proletarians and trade unionists.
Above all, it should be borne in mind that if the party is to survive the coming war, with its certain persecution and hounding of the revolutionary movement, if the party is to fulfill its great tasks during the war, if it is not to be dispersed and its efforts rendered nugatory the party membership must be solidly and inseparably connected with the organized working class.
There is no better way of accomplishing this connection than by every member becoming an active, responsible and influential trade unionist.
be on the services at Link Poyntz To Robinson Case People on