The the New International More on the Paris Conference new e of coudy of SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 1933 THE MILITANT PAGE Superficially this way seem like a realistic appraisal of the situation.
In reality, the British Communist Party rejects only one form of political adventurism for another, more After a brief interval am re Criticism of Its Paris economic and practice of social Fascism and the hysterical form. The theory and When a movement enters a new, Step Forward or Fatalistic complaints about the obcapitatal. It is absurd to rejection of the policy of the united a higher stage, there are always turning again to the policy of the jective decline most often reflect Independent Labor Party. This is Declaration by think that it would be possible to front creates unsurmountable obs elements who defend the yesterday Step to the subjective decline.
work against the trade union butacles to the work in the trade un. Abejdere nothing but Gimculties and occasioned by the declaration of the.
Zimmerwald and Kienthal delegation of the at the Leon Trotsky reaucracy with its alds, or even fons, each trade union is, by its They see Right?
Let us take the conferences of Paris conference which permits a wwwith its consent. Insofern very nature, an arena for a pro dangers Zimmer rwald and Kienthal as a comclear idea of the general tendency of the P. as well as of the the most important question of pro ing to the assistance of government The trade union question rematoence, expulsions, frequently resort ary parties with reformist and non one of the meetings of Bolshevik dered the Left Opposition during ily, of the stops (every conference Comrades who participated in Sneevliet and his friends have ren parison. They consisted, necessarstage at which now it finds itsell. letarian policy of Great Britain RS authorities, we must learn to work tishwasses. Insofar as the Brl Leninists communicated to me somethe Copenhagen conference and es consists of tow. By the number party The delegation considere it neces. well as of the majority of old cap in the trade unions discretely and capable, even after the German of the participants: we made DO anti war congress. The Comintern were weaker than the Paris conferCommunist Party call a World Congress of italist countries. In this field the in sary proved in what the following criticism of one pecially during the Amsterdam of workers directly represented they ning with those adhering to the wonder the inmasses but not revealing ourselves itself anew, an alliance with it can whole matter came down to nego from taking on an organ and Kienthal consisted of RightThird International It the Third ability of a party to establish cor prematurely to the bureaucracy. It only pull to the bottom the tiations and agreements at the top: zational form. When we declared Centrist elements (Ledebour who International provos unprepared to set it lations parten the establisheva precisely in the present epoch which hato fuse recently entered such a polley cannot have any reve burselves for change its tactics and organisation, itself most glaringly in the trade when the reformist bureaucracy of into the period of revolutionaryolutionary siguificance gummits down. Is it not clear that in this Merheim, Grim, Axelrod, Martov, International could not resolve to vote against the the time will have come to consider unlon movement. That is why self into the economie police the proletariat has transformed it the joint de the wall dividing us was broken war budge, Iloffman, Bourderon, the formation of a new Internation consider it encessary to dwell on al, that revolutionary work in the doubt, refer to the last congress of reality deviation toward claration signed by the сар al. This phrase contains the very this problem.
Pseudo Communists will, no of four organizations signifies in cuse our new orientation brought and others. Lenin found it possitrade unions, performed intelligentthe so immediately a concrete and valuable we to sign the Manifesto of the this result?. Tlaving shifted decisively The trade unions were formed whole conference despite the vagueand systematically, may ylela trade unions which declared that dial democracy.
ness of this document.
to the left, to Communism the mem during the period of the growth and decisive results in a comparatively there can be no united front with criticism, reflects it is true, in It very Communists against Fascism.
Our Conjectures form the doubts bers of this party refuse to believe rise of capitalism. They had a short time.
About three months ago we wrote was concerned, it was extremely As far as the Zimmerwald left that the Communist International their task the raising of the maThe Capture of True Unions would be the greatest folly to ac and apprebacertain numwhich disposes of numerous cadres, terial and cultural level of the pro We do not at all want to say by cept this plece of wisdom as the ber of comrades (according to all hypothetically that with a broad weak. After the rout of the Bol.
of material and technical means, otarlet and the extension of at local organizations, the Bolshevik les historiese sterythey say no emers Insted in England over a century agured of the complete capture of as such a beastrat elitebengele the above cnumerated arguments. Lett socialist groupings. month centy or guarantee titronice auto hehe the trade unions for the purpose cause they are not immediately The negotiations were carried a month and a halt ago, we voiced war than the present Itussian Left one more test of the ability or incloathed the trade unions with of the socialist overturn. The pro threatened either by Fascism, or by on by the tops. What does this the conjecture that a break with the opposition. Other left groups were of a its policy workers. The decay of British pose the question in this manner. Nystem. undermined the basis fores. The bureaucracy is capable ofrect policy of the revolutionary It is an impossible task to sem origin. Is it not clear that the conditions of war seemed absolutely It is incorrect, even naive, to the decline of the world capitalist great independence from the matbe trade unions then, with a cor. tops. that is of representatives. ary groupinge of social democratic of the workers movement in the retaining its The ability or inability of a parte the reformist work of the trade under the masses have turned against show an irresistible urge for an the Left Opposition, the these conjectures and on a scale viks, as well as the gronp of Nashe positions a long time party. the trade union masses will ble in one place all the members of Paris conference confirmed both hopeless. Nevertheless, the Bolshe.
ions. Capitalism can maintain itit. But precisely this situation, is not determined at a Congress selt longer only by lowering the when the masses are already hostile alliance with the revolutionary and How can that we ourselves could not expect Slovo took a course towards the of wing and will carry with them agreements between organizations Iwo or three months ago? Under Third International from the very but in dally stuggle, and particular class. Under these conditions the the trade union bureaucracy and to this path even a certain portion be made without negotiations of the these conditions, to complain that beginning of the war. Without this ly, in time of great dangers, mo trade unions could either transform the bureaucracy is still capable of of the apparatus. On the contrary, representatives, that is topp. On everything came down to negotia: course the October revolution would mentous decisions and mass action themselves into revolutionary orga misrepresenting the opinion of the it that the new alliance hus no rev: the cisive force, threatening the Gen lacks any sense.
After the victory of Hitler fornications or become the helpers or organization and of sabotaging their Communism should become de. this point the criticism evidently tiong by the tops and to asserthave been impossible.
which the Comintern bears a dirWe repeat: Lenin found it possiPressure from Ranks olutionary significance is to reveal ble eet responsibility, the leadership or lapitalism in the intensified explor re elections, is most favorable for eral Council with the loss of postthe Comintern had not only left its union buren teracy which golved workers. councils and other organt. Citrin and Co. would undoubtedly im want to say that the representation of the workers. The trade the creation of shop committees, tions, honors and Income Messrs. Or does the author of the critie a complete ignorance of the basic ble under the then existing condiprocesses which are bour, Bourderon, Grimm and Martoy policy unchanged but on the con Natisfactorily its own social problemations ad hoc, that is for the imme enter into a bloc with Mosley and tatives of the organizations which place within there now takinelons to sign together with Ledeproletariat tracy has intensif its disastrous took the second math. It turned en in Russia, where the trade in August 1917, the Mensheviks and express the opinion of the rank and speaking) sounds the argument that the resolution of the majority a Manifesto against the war. The diate needs of the given moment. Co. against the Communists. Thus, signed the Joint declaration do not But particularly strange (mildly Bolshevik Leninists did not sign now methods. This historic test weign the whole nccumulated authority of nions have not possessed by far Social Revolutionaries together with Ale? Let us examine this argument we are making a turn towards. the Paris conference and will, of a thousand times more than all the the trade unions against the sodeclarations which the representa: responsibility upon at any one congress. It must nor Any attempts of the workers to relish trade unions, the October over Kornilov. Two months later, in it is known to all that the rank ocracy. The Staliniste slander us themselves for this majority. Perwist the attacks of capital and rebe forgotten that congresses repre: action.
ance of the Mensheviks in the adhatodemiche new cornibuses hagadust striving for a long time not only for first time. What basis is there for wall and Kienthul wax. turn October, they were sent elements of in the workers carism itself, The Most Important Task Having lost the masses these ad the Bolsheviks. And in the first a closer approach to us but for a carrying these arguments into towards the social democracy? But that Henceforth the liberation of the ministrations were still capable of Ists were still strong they declaim til very recently, the tops evaded ever, examine them somewhat clou: now under the conditions of peace thing fundamentally new abovence of the trade union bureaucracy paratus, although already powerless impossibility for them to make an ing separation from possible aled not by us. We take not the in war time. Correct! Ledebour While hus been actually attained in has become the most important tools to sabotage the proletarian revolu Alliance with a dictatorship either lies of the right. In this case what lightest responsibility for its com and Bourderon endangered the tion.
of the Right, or of the Left.
It to absolutely necessary right does it mean that the tops found position and agenda. We came to selves by signing the Manifesto of to parliamentarism of the bourgeois decisive field the Comintern revealRevolutionary Realism themselves compelled to sign Jointly this conference to present there our Zimmerwald, while Tranmel and Co.
state but also to the parliament ed a complete inadequacy. During with us a most important docu point of view. Possibly our De carry on their maneuvers revolutionary proletarian party ment? The answer ary institutions of the proletariat the years 1926 27 and first of all now to prepare the mind of the (the wer is clear the claration contained some conces right hand to the Scandinavian 80itself. We must orientate ourselves during the miners strike and the advanced workers to the idea of the Classementations and not expect of the greatest comes and betrayals a sharp change. But it would be this presupposes scientically so stronk that the leaders of the The Declaration signed by tour or out running any risk. It is preby the real activity of working Reneral strike, that is, at the time Creation of shop committees and must be welded together by car pressure of the rank and file towards sions to the social democracy? Let cial democracy, the pinky of the workers counclis at the moment of understanding of its historic tasks the Left, that is toward us, became someone get up courage to say it! Left to the Paris conference) withany miracles from the proposed onions, the Comintern obsequiously of the General Council of the trade the greatest mistake to play in based program. At the same time. were forced to turn to us. ganizations, it is understood, does cisely for this reason that we reWorld Congress.
toadied before the 133) the Left Opposition of ten years breakers covering vorable strike practice with the slogan of shop a revolutionary party must know Those who know how to interpret not contain our program. But it used to sign the meaningless rea period ring them up before councils comforting oneself with how to establish correct relations of. 1923 10 acted as a fraction of the Comintern helping them to remaith and a dated real work and real influence in the policy of revolutionary predictsmo, rectly, will say that this is a great Fourth International on the basis Where are here concessions to the victory. This conclusion retains of an irreconcilable struggle with social democracy?
To counterpose to equally removed from opportunist its full force Independently of the the social. carle centriem. complete its policy and regime by systematic the minority movement. Theight the existing Not Responsible for Allies criticism and an active participation ened by the results of its work, the straction of workers councils would From In the life of the Comintern and burenyerats or the comintern went mean not only to set the bureau. these criteria intrinsically connect werelations between the tops were and a resolute condemnation of all orponents will say to us have its sections. The Left Opposition to the extreme tote ultra radren een cracy against oneself but also the ed, the should review its carried on. Not the negotiations de attempts on the manner of the Twoigned the resolution of the me therefore has a colossal experience the fatal excesses of the third per herebs ar dhe pedepsitey or press to all other organization and regard to the Hol cial democracy?
per masses, and to deprive oneself relation to the Comintern as well matter but the whole pre and Half International. Where ority showing therely that they cedins the 80 have not as yet made the final choice. Absolutely correct! But was not a single important historic small communist the noritye tot tiket paring the ground for the creation tendencies within the working class. land the situation is approximateThis concerns first of all the fate thes Principled Declaration neither do we take any responsievent which did not force the Lin a manner presupposing that they of workers councils. to counterpose its slogans and had a majority behind them. 180: not little experience: having creatIn this the Comintern has gained of the itself.
not come with us at all. TWO This organization was The Declaration of four does not bility for our allies just as they. TROTSKY.
take no responsibility for us. The of the bureaucracy of the comin. the working class, the Communistet doelde that is purely Commun. This article is in print, however, with Seidewitz and Rosenfeld. To are were to state the probleme deep formulated And are now accessible rtade in a problems of pro questions of Soviet economy tern. The struggle around the party counterposed to the trade antagonistically its sections to the published partly also in foreign elear that the leaders of this orStrategy. It is clear that to all. The future will show which. side our allies will finally choose.
of the Soviet Union, the Chinese tions, most obedient to the regime in the Communist partyers its own trade union oder doomed itself to a complete impotrican League (Pioneer Publishers) strong pull to the left on the partclaration. But neither did we in right choice. One of the most imthe rades the publications of the Am this step revolution, Anglo Russian commit ship of the Comintern but separated ence: this is one of the most im there had not been a ternational on the basis of this De We tee, etc. etc. remained comparative by an abyss from the working class. portant causes for the collapse of are of great importance. Whoever of the rank and Ale.
tend anything of the sort. The Deportant rules of revolutionary strategy your enemy techo our ters of this struggle passed before it disposed of the Order or the GarParty, insofar as am informed, or for the reform and improvement on Friendly relationes existed here ty: Declaration obligate themselves to criticism on the basis of full equal parties of the West. But two chap the trade union bureaucracy. Had true the British Communist year struggle of the Lett Opposition matter stands somewhat arderently, the organizations which signed the criticism on the thesis rei the eyes of the advanced workers ter it should have decorated all the poses the slogan of workers counthe Cominter must study all these amarades know what to Many elaborate, within a short time, albaek stage diplomacy of the tops; ready for quite of all the world: they deal with leaders of the Comintern and the cils under the present conditions. documents.
programmatic Manifesto which everything is done and will be done the theory and practice of the Profintern with it.
the fundamental in full view of the masses, under document of the new International, their control, for the purpose of third period and with the strategy of the Comintern in Germany. now play not a progressive but a was said, the trade unions All our sections, all the three allled the education of the masses. Other No Impatience in organizations, as well as all sym: ways and means of reovlutionary It the Left Opposition can be still embrace millions of workers.
blamed for anything, it is certainly One must not think that the work should be drawn to this work. Do polley do not exist at all not for an impatient break with the ers are blind and do not see the The Stalinist theoretical program are we intend to make any concessions Comintern. Only after the German change in th the historle role of the tor Cuba places on the order of the theor. an INDUSTRIAL the owners of the plantations are to the social democracy in thisThere are also other rules of revthe most part the men willing to make concessione on Manifesto? The Declaration of the folutionary policy which it is ad.
Communist party which has been trade unions. But what lg to be day the agrarian, anti imperialist who toll on them are wage work wages, hours, and working condi Bolshevik Leninists, made public at visable to reanind of: do not get gathering millions of votes, proved done? The revolutionary way out reso. to the. resistance to Hitler, and the Com of the Left wing of the workers bymunist Party is to agitate and or were as low as three cents a day, the Impossible. And what is the what basis we propose to write the frighten others without cause! do Manifesto: the decisions of the not invent false accusations. Intern refused not only to recog. the zigzags and adventures of of canize the peasants for this end. does not exceed one mowany cases Impossible demand of the workers Arst four Congresses of the Cominnot look for enpitulation where the working year in nize the erroneousness of its polley Aicial communism. The workers Among their slogans stands the num. They want thelr committed the menternthe 21 Conditions. the there is none; do not replace Marxbut even the very fact of the defeat say to themselves. trade of the proletariat (in reality the are bad but without them it might demand for the division of the land ber of the sugar workers try to age the mills. In a word the sugar points of the LO. Only the fu ist discussion by unprincipled victory of Hitler is the greatest is be even worse. This is the psych:tations.
between harvests by cultivating the demand for workers control and disagreements will arise on this shown that precisely at the time his. Unquestionably the central prob Because of the high degree of next stage this will lead to the de allies. If disagreements should ready to get out from the narrow tory of the. thry Analysis of its mistakes and secutes the revolutionary workers tem of Cuban economy is the agra concentration of the industry large mand for nationalization of the in arise, we will seriously fight for alley onto a wider arena, elements crimes by a new campaign of per ever more holdly, replacing ever rien question. But the agrarlan numbers of workers are massed on dastry and will indicate the core our point of view. Until now we can be always found who have Nacxists. only after this did we by the arbitrariness of cliques, alferent content than it had in Rus twelve hundred workers were se alone it is possiblo the dictator have not shown any excessive pillow it to their alley, know all say: nothing can save these people transforming in essence the trade sla. Russian agriculture was or quired to harvest the crop on one ship of the proletariat.
phe, and the role of the Comintern tion camps for the workers under of large estates in the hands of that one sugar company in 1983 its weight in economy is small and national can be built only on the ant affairs of the change of minispeasantry exists in Cuba but following argument: the new Inter are busy with the terribly importThe same critics also add the all the alley news and rumors and in it, is infinitely more important declining capitalism.
feudal landowners and a myriad ted over 000 unemployed persons consequently its weight in society 18 wave of the ascent of the revolntries in their own alley. These for the world proletariat than any Can We Skip Over the Trade Unions of small holdings worked by Indl. nosent sabotage and the burn. But it is hopelers to think in the atmosphere of decline all at are very much afraid that on 80 much out of charity as correspondingly small.
tionary movement; now. however, conservative and sectarian elements organizational maneuvers, og evasive declarations, dinlehought easily arises; is it not postivated with primitive methods anding of cane fields.
Under these conditions the vidual peasants. The land was cul. to prevent agrecments, etc. The inteistorical sible to skip over the trade untons. cand potentiThese are the workedhe te fudgment on the cominterno bus Is it not possible to replace them land stood in the relation to it gar workers have little or no affin who want to agitate and organ found historic argument is borrowed the wagon by its wheels and try to Moreover, the majority of the su Cuben revolution the lead otte tempts in this direction are doomed wider arena their art with been pronounced. There is no ap by some sort of fresh, incorruptt. peasants. They constituted the ity with the soil in the sense of lze the peasants to lend the agra as a whole from the sterile schol turn It back, and they Justify theira, peal from this verdict.
Die organizations on the type of majority of the population.
a peasantry. It is estimated that ran revolution do not know what astic Souvarine (who, alas, as far in essence, reactionary work by The history of the Comintern is revolutionary trade unions, shop That is not the plcture which from 1013 to 1927 forty thousand they are talking about.
almost unknown to the members of committees, soviets and the degrees. cipledd arguments. We have tried the LibPawhich has just recently Autenfordampenal penistake of such the land under cultivation is de Cube. During the world war, in imperialist revolution. Ninety per The necessity of a break with the above to weigh these lek Sreets the role in Cuba. Most o verroes yeur were smuggled into it is no better with the anti. toh makes turn of 180 Let wideg no organization learns only political problem of how to free the is equal to more than one third of sugar lands, thousands of negroes hands of AP American capital, al was proclaimed by the Bolshe. what is their weight.
capital. Most paration for the Third Internation the comrades themselves decide by books and Ales. The masses from the influence of the thels land.
wants Independently to undergo trade union bureaucracy is replaced land is on Alnety percent of this from Haitle were brought into of the tobacco Industry is likewise vike in the Autumn of 1914, that September 10, 1933 or controlled on long Chinese con Jamaica and even in the hands. GOUROV.
others on a much larger scale. Had is insufficient to show the masses a companies. Some of these plantations. Inasmuch as the number of street car lines, electrle plants, the disintegration of socialist parties by large American sugar Cuba to The differences on the trade unmonths, one could have reconciled and the masses where they are and extend beyond the county limits and at 500, 000 the labor turnover ondocks, etc. etc. are owned by Unt of wise men who spoke of the ton question lost their former oneself to it despite the fact that to lead them.
each month of our time is much more than years of another. The way, some wise men, reImpatient left sometimes say embrace tens of thousands of acres, nugar workers, for the most part, principally, control all of Cuban eco cratism was not in such abuse together if not disappeared aldanger, however, lies therein, that conquer the trade unions because refined 2000, 00 bags of sugar, ten in Cuba, no land hunger compar 1912 which a scinder drawing together to see them the bureaueracy subjects the inner per cent of the entire corp. Since able to the land hunger or the nous chaste National Bank, and the House Interes Thomas Kalhotky went further call without any may follow unnoticeably for interests of self preservation, resort. apace by consolidation itself the ways of the Cominterning to the basest machulations, replantations and the bankruptcy of plantation workers approximately er wages and better conditions critics quoted above the interna with which suggests itselt.
of large Thousands of the half million Thus the struggle of the Cuban and one is an instrument of peace had only national limits, but leave all Industries for high and not of war. In reality the unobserved the international Zim.
and ruin itself.
pressions and plain crookedness in the smaller ones under the prodding half of the entire working popular must, ot necessity develop Into tonal is an instrument of ascent the spirit of the parlamentary guidance of the Chase National and lon have been organized into struggle against American imperial and not of deelnemerhe the number on 192 THE MILITANT tens boroughs. This argument sig arra plantation which began in 1900. One strike brought erst twenty of the Cuban workers has profound. All times and under all conditions. matter November 28. 1928, at the ism. The tintversal Impoverishment int has need of an Internatioanl at your wrappers Bntered as a second clan mall nifles in reality the giving of with 68, 000 acres had grown to thousand Sugar workers article Lyimbyed them with a hatred of it there is no comintern today, we Poat once at New York, your subscription has expired, the actual struggle for the masses 250, 000 by 1928.
Il you want to got the MINIunder the excuse of the corrupt Millions of dollars in machinery in protest against the terrorism of hundred thousand workers in 1930 tant promptly every week must say so openly, and immediate Under the act of March 1879.
rendw your subscription at cracy. This argument can be de plantations. To the process began to the trade autol ons sterile de achado conto an impermishably ambiguous formu be able to put it on its feet. de.
EDITORIAL BOARD It was teameak oferului germanes in start the preparation for a new Published woolely by the Contents once: per year for Atty veloped further. should two weekly Issue: ball abandon revolutionary work alto 1820 with the introduction of steam surpassing all previous stules lation we can do so only in the pends, of course, on the whole march Martin Abern James Cannon year for twenty six weekly. Maurice Spector Isanes.
gave this 15 struggle. The first steps are inor ascent of the workers movement, Arne Swabeck THE MILITANT no principled difference here since boast the most up to date machin. sugar mills and are attempting to dicated the slogan of the nation etc. But even in the period of the SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 1933 ernment bureaucracy? There exista 128 Fast 16th St.
ery in the world.
operate them by workers com allvatron of Industry under workers worst decline it is necessary to pre Vol. VI, No. 45 (Whole No. 192)
the trade union bureaucracy has Imittees. The New York Times control of production pare for a future ascent, giving our subscription rate: 00 per year completely become a part of In short the sugar plantations of September 20 reports that STAMM. own cadres a correct orientation. Forelon 506 conta per copy years ago It found itself in a bloe Blve, and, under the circumstances terms of our agreement are clearly some support should become personer The Stalinist Program for the Cuban Revolution do to and provocations on the part of the govdevelopment. Today the plantation workers have seized the