Soviet Economy in Danger THE ONLY ROAD of TROTSKY.
Four Years of the Existence of The Militant 2AGE THE MILITANT SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 12, 1932 The art of socialist planning does not clrop from heaven nor is it presented fullblown into one bands with the conquest of power. This art may be attained only (Continued from page 1) tions, the workers of the entire world by struggle, step by step, not by units plain, un homogeneous and as must defend tooth and nail their future but by millions as an integral part of comforting as possible. Whoever dis socialist fatherland which is within this the new economy and culture. There is From the Series of Articles in the Forthcoming Book The Only Road. by Leon Trotsky turbs this picture is none other than state.
nothing elther astonishing or disheartFirst and foreinost we serve the Soviet ening in the fact that at the 16th annl.
an everude and detrimentato idealization republic in that we tell the workers the versary of the October revolution the AN IT BE expected that the Central Commit munists, the energy of the Opposition itself. But the of the transitional regime has particu truth about it and thereby teach them to, art of economic management still remains tee of the Communist party will independently principles and methods we fight for have been tested by Jarly intrenched itself in the interna lay the road for a better future.
on a very low place. The newspaper, tional Communist press during the last Prinkipo, October 22, 1832.
For the Industrialization deems it possible accomplish a turn to the right road? Its whole the greatest events in world history, by the victories two years, during that period in as well as by the defeats. They will make their way.
to announce, Our operative planning has past demonstrates that it is incapable of doing this which the contradictions and dispropor The Art of Planning neither hands nor feet (September 12, Hardly had it begun to rectify itself than the ap The successes of the Opposition in every country, tions of Soviet economy bave already The prerequisites for socialist planning 1982. And in the meantime, the crux paratus saw itself before the perspective of Trotsky Germany included, are indisputable and manifest. But found their way into the pages of the were tirst laid by the October overtures of the matter is precisely in operative ism. If Thälmann himself did not grasp it immedi they are developing slower than many of us expected.
There is nothing so precarious as symvlet state. In the course of a number We have stressed more than once that, ately, then he was told from Moscow that the part We may regret this, but we need not be surprised at pathies that are based on legends and of years state organs of centralized man under incorrect planning or, what is must be sacrificed for the sake of the whole. that it. Every Communist who begins to listen to the Left liction. There is no depending on poopie agement of economy were created and more important, under incorrect regula is, the interests of the German revolution for the sake Opposition is cynically given the choice by the bureauwho require fabrications for their sym. put in operation. Greut creative work tion of the plan in the process of its of the interests of the Stalinist apparatus. The cracy: either go along with the baiting of Trotskyism or else be kicked out of the ranks of the Cominviet economy will inevitably, and within the imperialist and the civil war has the very end of the rive Year Plan and abashed attempts to revise the policy were once more in rather near future, crumple che suis been re established. New grandiose en may create insurmountable difficulties withdrawn. The bureaucratic reaction again triumph tern. For the party official, it is a question of position ury legend, and, we have no reason to terprises were created, new industries, for the utilization and development of ed all along the line.
and wages: the Stalinist apparatus plays this key to doubt will scatter friends into the bypaths of indifference, Ity of the proletariat organized into a the Opposition, No. 23, July 15, 1831. state to direct economy by new methods it is precisely for this reason that we the present day Comintern to give its sections the between their devotion to the ideas of Communism and It is not, of course, a matter of Thälmann. Were perfection. But immeasurably more important are the thousands of rank and file Communists who are torn What is much worse and much more and to create material values in tempos considered the hasty and purely fortalt: possibility of living, of thinking and of developing the threatened expulsion from the ranks of the Comcatch the European workers, and chiedyed in actuality. All this was achteved into four years was an act of lightminded themselves they would long ago, in the last fifteen intern. That is why there are in the ranks of the ofrender them receptive to social democra worta capitalism. Socialism, as e 88 and our warnings have been unfortunate. But the bureaucracy erected instead a system of ar timidated or concealed Oppositionists.
decaying adventurism (idem. Both our fears years, have been able to select their own leading cadı es.
ficial Communist party a great number of partial, intic criticisin, which is absolutely inimical tem, for the first time demonstrated its ly fully confirmed.
pointed leaders and their support by means of artito the Soviets and to socialism. title to historie victory Dot on the pages The Preliminary Totals of the ficial ballyhoo. Thälmann is a product of this syster This extraordinary combination of historical condiIn this question, as in all others, the of Das Kapital but by the praxis of blast furnaces.
proletarian revolution requires the truth, hydroelectric plants and tions sufficiently explains the slow organizational and only the truth. Within the scope Marx, it goes without saying, would have even be a discussion about the actual comAt the present moment there cannot and at the same time its victim.
The cadres, paralyzed in their development, weak u growth of the Left Opposition. At the same time, in of this brief pamphlet, have deemed it preferred this method of demonstration. pletion of the Five Year Plan in four the party. Their inadequacy they supplement with spite of this slowness, the spiritual life of the Cominnecessary to present in all their acute llowever, light mnded assertions to the years (or more exactly, four years and repressions. The oscillations and the uncertainty of tern revolves, today more than ever before, around the ness the contradictions of Soviet econ effect that the has already three months. The most frantic lash the party are inexorably transmitted to the class as a struggle against Trotskyism. The theoretical percariousness of many of its conquests, the achievements are great. But there stin of the final two months will have no et whole. The masses cannot be summoned to bold ac iodicals and theoretical newspaper articles of the coarse errors of the leadership and the remains a very long and arduous road fect any longer on the general totale. It tions when the party itself is robbed of revolutionary as well as the other sections of the Comindangers that stand in the path of social to the factual victory over economic an is as yet impossible to determine the ac determination.
tern, are chiefly devoted to the struggle against the ism. Let our petty Bourgeois friends archy, to the surmounting of dispropor tual percentage, e, measured in terms Even if Thälmann were to receive tomorrow tele Left Opposition, now openly, now maskedly. Still lavishly apply their pink and baby blue tons, to the guarantee of the harmonious of economy of the fullliment of the gram from Manuilsky on the necessity of a turn to more symptomatic in significance is that mad organimark with a heavy black line the weak Even though the first Five Year Planed in the press take on more a formally the path of the united front policy, the new zig zagzational baiting which the apparatus pursues against and indefensible points whence the en. took into consideration all possible an. statistical than an exact economical char at the top would bring little good. The leadership is the Opposition: disruption of its meetings by blackjack emy threatens to break through. The stes, by the very nature of things acter. Should the construction of a new too compromised. correct policy demands a healthy methods; employment of all sorts of other physical clamor about our enmity to the Soviet could not be anything but a first and a plant be accomplished up to 90 percent régime. Party democracy, at present a plaything of violence: behind the scene agreements with bourgeois Union is so absurdots to be a rentebes runesh maypothesondere med beforehand om te se its completion and then the work be the bureaucracy, must rise again as a reality. The pacifists, French Radicals and Freemasons against the ture will bring with it a new confirma cess of the work. It is impossible to raw material, then from a formally party must become a party, then the masses will be Trotskyists. the dissemination of cnvenomed calumtion of our correctness. The Left Op create a priori a complete system of eco statistical viewpoint one may enter the lieve it. Practically, this means to put upon the order nies from the Stalinist center, etc. etc.
position teaches the workers to foreseenomic harmony. The planning hypothesis plan as fululled 90 percent. But from of the day: an extraordinary party convention and an The Stalinists perceive much more directly and dangers and not to lose themselves when could not but include old disproportion: the point of view of cconomy the ex: extraordinary congress of the Comintern.
know better than the Oppositionists to what extent they impend.
and the inevitability of the development penses accrued must simply be entered He who accepts the proletarian revolu of new ones. Centralized management under the column of losses. The balance The party convention must naturally be preceded our ideas are undermining their apparatus pillars.
tion not otherwise than with all the implies not only great advantages but sheet of the actual effectivenes (the by an all sided discussion. All apparatus barriers The self defense methods of the Stalinist faction, howconveniences and life long guarantees also the danger of centralizing the mis useful functioning) of plants constructed must be razed. Every party organization, every ever, have a double edged character. Up to a certain cannot continue on the road with us. We takes, of elevating them to an ex or in the process of construction, from nucleus has the right to call to its meetings and listen moment, they have an intimidating effect. But at the accept the workers state as it is and cessively high degree. Only continuous the viewpoint of the national economie to every Communist, member of the party or one ex same time they prepare a mass reaction against the we assert, This our state. Despite regulation of the plan in the process of Dalance, still belongs entirely to the fupelled from it, if it considers this necessary for the system of falsity and violence.
its heritage of backwardness, despite its fulfillment, its reconstruction in part ture.
starvation and sluggishness, despite the and as a whole, can guarantee its econ(To be continued)
working out of its opinion. The press must be put at When, in July 1917, the government of the Menbureaucratie mistakes and even abomina omic effectiveness.
the service of the discussion; adequate space must be sheviks and the Social Revolutionists branded the Bolallotted daily for critical articles in every party paper. sheviks as agents of the German General Staff, this Special press commissions, elected at mass med despicable measure succeeded at first in exercizing a of the party members, must supervise that the papers strong influence upon the soldiers, the peasants and serve the party and not the bureaucracy.
the backward strata of the workers. But when all the (Continued from page 1)
further events clearly confirmed the truth of the Bolbefore becoming members. But, as par, we continue to pursue a correct course, The discussion, it is true, will require no little time pride the accomplishments. The ticularly the recent experiences have that our future contacts will be recruited and energy. The apparatus will argue: how can the sheviks, the masses began to say to themselves: so they small in numbers but functioning abilities of clarification with the result Elec? That itse presuppobes the party permit itself the luxury of discussion at such deliberately slandered the Leninists, they basely incited tively in the endeavor to attuiu a Marx. that the actual revolutionists turn to become an ever more important factor a critical period? The bureaucratic saviors believe against them, only because they were right? And the inn plattorm not only by theoretical dis ward the Left Opposition. Within the within it. In this respect the experi that under difficult conditions the party must shut up feeling of suspicion against the Bolsheviks. was concussion but also in the realities of the social reformist camp. however, the ences from the Illinois coal fields should The Marxists, on the contrary, believe that the more verted into a feeling of warm devotion and love for life of the class struggle.
most decisive disillusionments are still furnish important material for study. difficult the situation, the more important the indethem. Although under different conditions, this very Some Trade Union Experiences to come and at an accelerated tempo in But that also, aside from the general pendent rôle of the party.
complex process is taking place now too. By means We have mentioned our organizational future struggles.
conclusions at which we will arrive thereof a monstrous accumulation of calumnies and represgrowth, yet it is such experiences as That there will be such struggles in from, points to the importance of the The leadership of the Bolshevik party enjoyed, those recorded in the linols mine told the period we are now entering is clear role that the trade unions will play in 1917, a very great esteem. And notwithstanding this, ceeded for a period of time in intimidating the rank sions, the Stalinist bureaucracy has undeniably sucwhich begin to indicate both substance ty indicated by all developinents to date. the future struggle. Hence it is so a series of deep going party discussions took place ment there or any section of it a con chauce one produced by un certain situa ment of growth is so closely connected overturn, the whole party debated passionately which tation in the eyes of the revolutionary masses. At the not at all boast of control of the move is a twisie phenomenon and not a mere milestones cuir canoet recente develop throughout the year 1917. On the eve of the October and file party members; at the same time, it is prepartention which we are repeatedly accused tion, can change and avoid its contradic with the realities of the trade union of the two sections of the Central Committee was right: of by the scribes of the official Lewis tions of false policies? On the contrary. queston. But from this the further steps the majority, which was for the uprising, or the minpresent time, there can no longer be the slightest doubt on this score.
Walker organ and which they so hypo As the cluss struggle develops in in must lead in the direction much deep ority, which was against the uprising. Expulsions and critically curse as a shield under which tensity it will become the more deeplyer penetration into the trade unions.
Yes, we are today still weak. The Communist party At this time of the fourth anniversary repessions in general, were nowhere to be seen, in spite still has masses, but already it has neither doctrine nor regaining control in the only sense under cumulative effect. On the other hand, we see the road of the Left Opposition of the profundity of the differences of opinion, Into strategic orientation. The Left Opposition has alstood by them in the sense of autocratic when we pose the question of the party clearly marked out. We have attained a these discussions were drawn the non party masses. ready worked out its Marxian orientation, but as yet domination. We did not contest the to extricate itself from Centrism, that, lasis. modest one but a significant In Petrograd, a meeting of non party working women official party for control. But we did of course, is an entirely different matter one. While we do not forget the fact dispatched a delegation to the Central Committee in it has no masses. The remaining groups of the Left camp possess neither the one nor the other. Hopepolicies and it anything theu more de This is not a question merely of indivi velopments work in our direction with order to support the majority in it. To be sure, the lessly does the Lenirbund pine away, thinking to subtinitely so do we in this sense contest duals but of a system of leadership. Thus accelerated speed, it is nevertheless cordiscussion required time. But in return for that, there stitute the individual fantasies and whims of Urbahns the reactionary forces at work within it has its important relations not only to rect to say that our future growth and grew out of the open discussion, without threats, lies the new union. We have in the past, the members now withn the party ranks developments will be achieved at a pace and falsifications, the general, indomitable certainty for a serious principled policy. The Brandlerists, in morrow, to counterpose our views to in the direction of Communism. we more actively engage ourselves in alone makes possible the victory.
the spite of their time in recipes are made redescending step by step; tactical cannot replace a revolutheirs and will seek further, on the basis On Future Contacts the class struggle.
of practical experiences, to convince the It follows from this, that is provided ARNE SWABECK. What course will things take in Germany? Will tionary strategical position. The has put miners that they should follow these the small wheel of the Opposition succeed in turning the proletariat. Bascless pretension! Even the most up its candidacy for the revolutionary leadership of the large party wheel in time? That is how the quesRoosevelt Victory tion stands now. Pessimistic voices are often raised.
serious representatives of this party do not overrecord which will multiply in the future because they indicate already today cerIn the various Communist groupings, in the party itstep, as Fritz Sternberg latest book shows, the barriers of Left Centrism. The more assiduously they tain substantial proofs of the correctness (Continued from page 1) ed to their class Interests. The real self, as well as its periphery, there are not a few eleseek to create an independent doctrine, the more of our views. This is arst of all meas control of the American workers. To rulers are making provisions for this ments who say to themselves: in every important questhey reveal themselves to be disciples of Thalheimer.
can dennitely record tho faet that the the reformers gains against us to evelt waits they have instructed that is weak its cap prestare small in number and polit. But this school is as hopeless as a corpse. new historical party cannot arise simply because wing union position the Gilespie Ber confrontng us in the immediate per tions are that this agreement has been ically inexperienced. Can such an organization, with a number of old social democrats have convinced themconvention were those delegates who iod of the struggle between reform and reached. The imperialists through this a small weekly paper (DIE PERMANENTE REVOLUTION)
supported the views of the Left Oppaot revolution.
Coalition government until March will successfully counterpose itself to the mighty Comintern character of the Ebert Wels policy. new party can selves, very belatedly, of the counter revolutionary tion. They had earned the right to do by of The 1982. opportunist election program, be able to unore faster. The crisis with machine?
just as little be improvized by a group of Communists by their leadershly given to the strike. the inability to carry out the Leninist ganization and the international problem The lessons of events are stronger than the Stalinwho have as yet done nothing to warrant their claim four actual delegates. Thus it will be tary plane for a solid class foundation of debts and markets will demand more ist bureaucracy. We want to be the interpreters of to proletarian leadership. For a new party to arise, seen that our beginning is modest from upon a Marxian program, created intern drastic stere Roosevelt cannot answer these lessons to the Communist masses. Therein lies it is on the one hand necessary to have great historical the point of view of numbers but signin. al shortcomings within the Communist could. He can, however, hurry the do Seydewitz and Co. that the revolutionary prole parties, and on the other hand, position in principle these problems, no more than Hoover our historic rôle as a faction. We do not demand, as events, which would break the backbone of the old party election activity, that on the one!
cant in political content.
The Working Class Orientation hand played into the hands of the social process of strengthening the exploiters Ists, because the program of Communism. position in the coming class struggles tariat should believe us on credit. We allot ourselves worked out, and cadres tested, in the experience of Proceeding from this the important of revolution, was blurred with oppor and wars and revolutions. Our task a more modest rôle: we propose our assistance to the events.
question occurs as to what it signifies tunist blunders, making it difficult for expose this liberal friend of the Communist vanguard in the elaboration of the correct for the future. The Leftward orienta the worker to see the difference between forgotten man and see to it that in line. For this work we are gathering and training up While we are fighting with all our strength for the rebirth of the Comintern and the continuity of its flows today in two main directions. It and on the other hand where we won attempt to hold the discontent and strug be jumped over. Every new stage of struggle will tton within the working close lontanks the parties of reform and revolution, bieletow are at the recommeberin we our own cadres. This stage of preparation may not further developments, we are least of all inclined to is away from the capitalist ideology and rotes on the basis of the opportunistle in safe channels. HUGO OHELER push to our side those in the proletariat who reflect any fetishism of form. The fate of the proletarian toward both the Communist and the so program and confuse this vote and conworld revolution stands, for us, above the organizationthe latter has so far gained the most.
sider the WHOLE rote as representing It is well to remember the definite a clear cut revolutionary vote against a THE MILITANT the most and are most critical.
al fate of the Comintern. Should the worst variant The revolutionary party begins with an idea, Entered as second class mail matter materialize; should the present official parties, despite and struggle to achieve this goal. Re election program will obtain many re New York, Under the act of atus of class society. It is not the cadre that creates bureaucracy; should it mean in a certain sense to begin. by the Stalinist formism has no such objective and thereformist votes labeled Communist. When March 1879.
the idea, but the idea that creates the cadre. Fear all over again, then the new International will trace Lore lands in the position of avoidance we have detail reports of the socialist Published weekly by the Communist of the power of the apparatus is one of the most conof actual and serious struggle. Within and Communist rotes, of reform and League of America (Opposition)
its genealogy from the ideas and cadres of the Comthe Communist movement contradictions revolution, we will return to this prospicuous features of that specific opportunism which at 84 Fast 10th St.
munist Left Opposition.
from false policies come quicker a blem.
the Stalinist bureaucracy cultivates. Marxian criticEDITORIAL BOARD And that is why the short criteria of pessimism and head. This is so because of its deciMartin Abern James Cannon ism is stronger than any and every apparatus.
Bively marked out objectives and the The Democratie party of reaction with Max Shachtman Maurice Spector The organizational forms which the further evolu optimism are not applicable to the work which we het vier class pressure upon it. This has a liberal cloak has full power next are carrying through. It stands above the separate Arne Swabeck tion of the Left Opposition will assume, depend upon stages, the partial defeats and victories.
in the past, and it inevitably will in the March. But the problems confronting Vol. V, No. 46 (Whole No. 142)
futuro also cause disappointment within the imperialists cannot watt until Our policy SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 12, 1932 many circumstances: the momentum of the historical is a policy of long range.
the ranks and result in members leav. March. These problems are on top of Subscription rate: 00 per year, For blows, the degree of resistance power of the Stalin ing the party while others are repelled the capitalista pow and must be answer eign 00. Five conta per copy. bureaucracy, the activity of the rank and file Com PRINXIPO, September 12, 1932. TROTSKY.
in views.
In this sense we have achievements to