Second Edition WORKERS OF THE WORLD UNITE THE INTERNATIONALIST WEEKLY OF THE LEFT WING SOCIALISTS No. 1, Vol.
Published by the Socialist Propaganda Longue of America Boston, Mass. Jan. 6, 1917 One Dollar a Year: Six Mos. 50c; Canadian, 50 OUR MANIFESTO MANIFESTO of the Socialist Propaganda League of America (For The Internationalist. and the brains of the workers in their We are at the dawn of a new era, class struggle.
the day is big with the content of The very fact that we are dead social eruptions, economic und pol proyes that we failed to recognize the itical strikes, revolutions.
changes in modern society. We did not realize in time that under the THIS is the source and justifica new form of absolute control by big tion of our action, our League monopolistic interests in the period and our paper.
of Imperialism, we have to use methThose who cannot see the new day ods of fighting in accordance with will stand aside, will continue in old the situation.
forms moved by old ideals, will mum The Money Trust does not grant ify in capitalist legality and morals, reforms because you talk skillfully and will be crushed under the Iron in Congress, because you use such Heel of Imperialism.
We are at the dawn of a new era; ever so more absurd to try to use valuablo arguments, and it becomes but this era muy turn out to bo an one part of the bourgeoisie against era of new slavery, of absolute con another, to play politics against trol of monopolistic financial inter the one reactionary enemy.
ests over the working class, a new Our arguments should expose the period of Industrial Feudalism, if we lies and the unscrupulous methods of do not arise to an ever growing acour foes, and thereby arouse the tion, if we fail to put all of our ener workers to netion. Mass action cangies, the full aconomic power of our not be invented, cannot be put into class to influence the development of effect by lenders, it grows out of contendencies, which manifest them ditions; it will grow, it has grown selves in the present world war.
Standing on the solid ground of reasonable goal, a more efficient form, already and we can help to give it a the economic conception of history, a stronger and better organization, we reject the mechanical point of but only if we participate in the light. that things will work out all Not if we stand by idly when our right by themselves. We know fellow workers revolt single handed that our will and our action form against the oil trust, steel trust or part, and a most important part, of other big interest; not if we allow economic development; and while we one group after another to be beaten are fully convinced that we never into submission, not if we fail to can act against history, the failure show a united incompromising front to act when conditions are ripe, may against all militarism and imperialexalt in spotloda od barbariani and is unciba wavui Srutoxt.
bloodshed, such as only an outgrown Comrades of the Socialist party class can inflict upon its victims. and outside of the party, get active, Those who are convinced that a join the Propaganda League, support Socialist organization of society is The Internationalist, weekly of the within the possibilities of our pres Left Wing, and participate in every ent economic developments, is with class conscious mass action on the Inin our reach, should get active, should dustrial as well as on the Political support this movement full hearted field, which will be the very best eduwith life and soul.
cation to yourself and to others, and Those who have confidence in which will develop methods, tactics their own class and see that the cap: and organization, the only form of italist class can only maintain itself organization that can be fundamentalby brutal force, of which the worldly democratic. Help to build up the war is an episode, must understand Social Democracy.
of the past, are obsolete. The result Industrial Democracy of clinging to the old systems is that FRIEND writes to say that he the party is dead and the only chance has read the Manifesto and to come to life again, is in a fundaagrees in the main with mental reorganization.
what wo say. But he has observed We want to reorganize from the that one phrase we use is common bottom up, we want to criticise, to in the literature of radicalism, and arouse the feeling and thinking of the would like to know what we mean by rank and file, so as to become still industrial democracy.
more dissatisfied with actual condi By industrial democracy we mean tions. We want to illustrate our the democratic organization and adopinions on every day facts, which ministration of all the industries by will ofton mean that we also have which the people live, in such a manto criticise persons. Although ourner as to ensure control by the workcriticism will be only for the cause ers employed in them. There is not and therofore impersonal; even if it now, nor can there be industrial de hurts personal feelings, we will not ſmocracy while the workers omployed stop critics for personal considera in them have nothing to say about what the industries shall do, how the We would like to stay and work in doing shall be regulated, and whut sido the party, as long as we can shall be done with the product of have full rights of criticism, which is their joint labor.
considered the only chance to get new No democray in industry can exlife in the dead body.
ist with privato monopoty of the There can be no discussion whether tools (machinory) of industry. Inour party is really dead, unless wedustry privately owned means indusshould apply a standard of life that try with private appropriation of is unworthy for a movement that has all values over and above what is to conquer the world. Bonson ad necessary for the reproduction of mits it in saying that the party mem labor power. It is this appropriation bership is cut to pieces, the spirit that keeps tho producer poor and of the party badly riddled, pro makes the parasito rich. The Indusfoundly discouraged, ste. William trial Democracy will recognize the Bohn emphasizes it in the Sunday immutable theory of value, which is: Call in stating that a good share of Labor is the Substance of, and Solife went out of the party and that, cially Necessary Labor Time the. while the party machinery was cen Mensuro of, Value.
tralized, we progressed rapidly We have seen Henry Ford written backwards and the national or about as an industrial democrat.
ganization has remained dead. An But his Detroit plant is not an ineditorial in the International Review dustrial democracy. Industrial Demosuggests that probably not one in a cracy will let the workers in, or the hundred vote once in four years so workers will put themuelves in, as cialists knows what real Socialism owners of the industry.
Again, by industrial democracy we Not whether the party is wrong mean an organization of labor that will be the question before the house, will be completo enough, powerful but how it can get to life again, how enough, officient enough, on the econ.
it can regain touch with tho working crnic field and in the political arena, class, how it can become what it to make the sum total of the workshould be the leader in the front ers wages equal to the sum total of line of fighting, the eyo and the heart the values they create. Adopted at a meeting held in the City of Boston, November 26, 1916. IT IS MANIFEST to every thinking class ized nation are dependent upon the allconscious worker that the present ter powerful financial interests of each nation.
rific struggle for world power is waged There is no difference in this respect between by the capitalist classes to secure a greater darkest Russia, with its autocratic form share in the exploitation of labor. It is a of government, and enlightenedl United matter of paramount importance that we, States, with its democratic institutions as Socialists, apprehend the basic conditions that are distinguished by the denial of free underlying the strife, and that we prepare speech and organization and shooting by to meet the consequences to the world militia and company thugs, for examples workers that will issue from it. This ad of which we do not forget Calumet and Luddress to American Socialists and the work low.
ing class generally is directed to such an In the demoniac chase for markets where understanding.
national capital may be invested, for the The war opens a new era of great con acquisition or retention of colonies and the flicts, impelled by the new form of absolutism expansion of spheres of influence, capitalist the rule of the monarchs of money and the power divides the universe for exploitation subjugation of a more or less independent among a few groups of nations, and these are class of small capitalists. It means also a bent on world control, even at the cost of more aggressive policy towards labor. The exterminating each other, as well as their proof of this appears in the United States, smaller and dependent associates in crime.
where the notion shine app IE istilis luiğtier phase or capitarist priating a larger portio fol the public revenue to militaristic purposes than any other opment making futile the policies of free country, in a so called time of peace, is actrade, free competition, and the hopes of companied by the massing social reformers that compels the governmaterial capments of the larger nations to provide miliitals amounting to Eight Billions of dollars in a single Board, to fight labor. War, tary resources of increasing magnitude to with the American republic co operating fight for a leading position in the world thus becomes the highest form of exploita world leadership we see Germany and Engtion by the capitalist class.
land, France and Italy, Austro Hungary and In the confusion arising from false issues Russia, the United States and Japan. The of the capitalist class, put forward to mis triumph of neither of them can be achieved lead the workers, we must ever be on our without the destruction, immediate or imguard against the crafty apologists of wrong pendling, of them all.
posing, as friends of labor. When we are told that we must produce more if we would The Dawn of a New Era.
get more, we know the advice is a bit of Section Comrades and Fellow Workers: special pleading in the interest of those who Two The time is passed when our nalive without producing. When we are told that we need compulsory arbitration or antitional Socialist parties, bound by strike laws, we know that such laws not only old forms and moved by old ideals, can profail but are a denial of the working class fines of capitalist legality and morals, and ceed with its old propagan within the conright to develop all its powers to gain emancipation. When we are tolel that we must be expect within these limits to advance the patriots, which, when interpreted by the cause of industrial democracy. We are at capitalist class, means readiness to serve in the dawn of a new era; the day is big with wars to kill our fellow men and defend the the content of social eruptions, economic and property interests of the owning class, as the political strikes, revolutions. It is an era President of the United States has said, we The struggle, in all its variations, develops which the class conflict approaches its climax.
class with no country to defend and no father and intensifies from the new policies of imland to fight for. This advice from the Pres. perialism; that is, from the encroachments ident servant of big capitis not less erof the capitalist class using the mailed fist roneous and is certainly more dangerous, of political governments.
when given under the name of Socialism, In the class war, all constitutional rights advocating bourgeois citizens army or and prerogatives of the people are ignored or military defense of capitalist interests. We abolished, and the capitalist class, abominatstrongly denounce all brands of social pat ing Liberty and supported by guns, meets riots and social imperialists as opposed to the working class with the armed power of the interests of the working class. Instead the capitalist state. When the workers seek of nationalism we must do all in our power shelter in constitutional guarantees and to promote the true internationalism of labor. essay to use these rights for the betterment To the thoughtful observer it must be of their conditions, they too often find that apparent that the elements of wealth produc rights and guarantees are mere scraps of tion in our present society have outgrown the paper. The capitalist class, with political bourgeois forms of existing nations in which governments and judicial courts conniving, they are restricted. The centralization of will tolerate no interference with their class production, as well as of capital and the schemes for world domination. Meanwhile monied interests, big the ndition of the working class becomes business and trusts with financial capital steadily worse and the future less secure.
all these developments put great capital not With the cost of essential necessaries of life only at the head of industry and production, rising to higher and prohibitive leyels, the as the dominating power, but also in con average workman is in constant fear of trolling influence over the political life and hunger, and with sickness and disease ever activities of the people. All groups and haunting him, has now reached the stage of classes of the people in every so called civil habitual privation.
Box 23, Roxbury Sta.
Urge of the Cause VERY mov which contains in its program elements of such great import as those confronting the Socialist Propaganda Lenguo of America, calls for the exeveiso of clear judgment. Foresight is better than hindsight, and the constructive method is to be preferred to a throw of the dice.
We are starting on a great adventure for the working class of which we are a part an adventure for winning the country and the world for DEMOCRACY IN INDUSTRY.
The very enormity of the crime committed in the name of capitalist civilization, bringing in its wake the collapse of our old Ideals and tactics, inspires us to the venture and is the justification of our acts.
Up to the hour of going to press with this, the initial number of The Internationalist, tho Left Wingers who are responsible for launching the League feel that they are not called upon to offer apology or explanation for their acts. Explanation is found in the catastrophe that has overtaken us, not wholly as a sur.
prise but, in great part, as the necessary result of premeditated reaction, reform preachments, and hot nousu political action.
As the original league men and women have counselled together for a year and a half, so it is proposed that the Left Wing socialists the country over, shall take counsel for the upbuilding of the greater movement, the Socialist Propaganda We league of Undaunted by world wars and unmoved by imperialist threats, let. us advance the standard of undiluted Socialism, leaving to the reform philosophers and social patriots their impatient interpretation of the world, and, in full consciousness, apply ourselves to the task of altoring it.
The struggle calls for clear thinking to elucidate dificult problems; it demands unity of purpose in mass actions; it insists upon high courage and rare devotion; in brief, as Comrade Anton Pennekoek says. Theory must now go hund in hand with practice, theory which transforms blind acts to conscious ones and spreads light over the path.
Comrades, the movement is not ours, it is yours, it is humanity All that we ask is the privilege of sharing with you the service to which all are summoned, to respond to the urge of the time and the Cause tion: THE THEORY OF VALUE No value is created except by labor.
Wages never vary materially from what is necessary for the reproduction of labor power. Deducting their sum from the total new value created gives the sum of profit. The latter is, therefore, a definita quantity, not necessarily for any particular year, but for the approximate average of a number of your phe total profit compared to the total wageskandyho less, but cannot be more than the total surplus value compared to the Its terrages. Thus prices are ruled by the fiew of value.
The theory of velue, elaborated by the earlior classics and perfected by Marx, teaches thut labor is the substance of, and socially necessary labor time the measure of, value. This immutable theory of value is the foundation of the entire science of economics. Herman Cahn, Author of Capital Toduy: SAVE HALF!
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