208 THE CLASS STRUGGLE 209 Thanks to the International Bureau for the services it has rendered in the transmission of my correspondence to the Pravda and svestia. As a measure of prudence, will transmit to you all information concerning France and typewritten reports by numbered copies. GUILBEAUX.
Party Discussion In conclusion, another instance of the actual state of mind of the French Proletariat: few weeks ago, the interfederal executive board of the railroad workers federation decided to test the solidarity of the workers, and ordered one of its secretaries, Midol, to decide on a method for demonstrating the readiness of the working class to strike at any given moment. Some four weeks ago, Midol, in agreement with the central committee, called a general strike on the lasting one minute on the roads, fifteen minutes in the depots, and an hour in all the station buffets, so important in the European transport system. The response was a revelation. It must not be forgotten that in France, since the outbreak of the war, the entire rail system has been militarized, and that every employee is, by the same token, a soldier. Refusal to conform to the military regulations implies heavy punishment and not infrequently death sentences by court inartial. Yet the tie up was absolute. Midol, together with twenty others, was arrested and taken to Dijon in a motor car. Train engineers who refused to operate the engines for this purpose, after a three days confinement were condemned to one year of prison and immediately reprieved. This little incident almost precipitated the long expected event.
Manifesto and Program of the Left Wing Section Socialist Party, Local Greater New York The members of the Socialist Party are entitled to an explanation for the issuance of this pamphlet by the Left Wing Section.
We are a very active and growing section of the Socialist Party who are attempting to reach the rank and file with our urgent message over the heads of the powers that be, who, through inertia or a lack of vision, cannot see the necessity for a critical analysis of the party policies and tactics.
The official Socialist Party press is in the main closed to us; therefore, we cannot adequately present our side of the case.
In the various discussions that arise wherever party members or delegates asseinble, both sides grow too heated for calm, dispassionate judgment.
Therefore, we have decided to issue our Manifesto and Program in pamphlet form, so that the rank and file may read and judge our case on its merits.
Comrades and this is addressed to members of the party the situation is such that a careful study of our position is absolutely imperative.
MANIFESTO Prior to August, 1914, the nations of the world lived on a volcano.
Violent eruptions from time to time gave warning of the cataclysm to come, but the diplomats and statesmen managed to localize the outbreaks, and the masses, slightly aroused, sank back into their accustomed lethargy with doubts and misgivings, and the subterrannean fires continued to smoulder.
Many trusted blindly some in their statesmen, some in the cohesive power of Christianity, their common religion, and some in the growing strength of the international Socialist movement. Had not the German Social Democracy exchanged dramatic telegrams with the French Socialist Party, each pledging itself not to fight in case their governments declared war on each other! general strike of workers led by these determined Socialists would quickly bring the governments to their senses!
So the workers reasoned, until the thunder clap of Serajevo and Austria ultimatum to Serbia. Then, suddenly, the storm broke, Mobilization everywhere. Everywhere declarations of war. In three or four days Europe was in arms.
The present structure of society Capitalism with its preten This Marifesto and Program was adopted by a mass convention held in New York and has since been endorsed by States, Locals and Branches.