182 THE CLASS STRUGGLE SOCIALISM AND THE LEAGUE 183 made by the working classes of all countries, as well as the similarity of palliative measures offered by the capitalist classes as a means of pacification.
More striking proof is presented in the attitude of hostility taken by the ruling classes of all countries towards the proletarian republic of Russia. Most respectable and patriotic representatives of the Russian bourgeoisie are frantically appealing to the bourgeoisie of all countries including those of the enemy to aid them in their terrified resistance to this new and awful menace of an aroused proletariat. And these appeals cannot be said to strike unresponsive chords. Moral support is tendered from all quarters with most affectionate sincerety. Material aid is given by every means available. And if military support shall he wanting, it will be only because of the fear on the part of the anxious sympathizers that its tender will hasten the day of their own necessity for succor.
Consciousness of the international identity of interest of the workers is rapidly growing. Even during the war conferences were held by representatives of the workers of countries allied in the conflict, and attempted to be held by representatives of the workers of all the belligerent nations. This international class consciousness is the explanation of the pronounced and determined protest by the workers of many of the allied nations against intervention in Russia. And the development of this consciousness will be the factor that will induce the ultimate collapse of the League of Nations, lately characterized by President Wilson as the final enterprise of humanity.
The Russian social revolution, in its inception, took on the aspect of an overthrow of established political institutions. So with the beginning of the social revolution in Germany. This was because as has been pointed out by the science of Socialism since the middle of the last century the forms and functions of the political institutions of a country have their roots in its economic structure. The economic struggle between classes finds its reflection in political conflict; and the class which is in economic supremacy is the class which dominates political administration. Says the Communist Manifesto: The ruling ideas of each age have ever been the ideas of its ruling class. It is the ruling class, therefore, which gives to the political system its functions and forms. And with the disappearance of its economic supremacy vanish the political forms which were the outgrowths. Russia is the clearest present day illustration of this historical law. In countries, therefore, where the bourgeoisie is the prevailing class, the political institutions function in its interest. And it is a corollary that the acquisition of a class consciousness by the workers is followed by his energetic attack upon the prevailing political institutions. With the development of the international class consciousness comes the attack upon prevailing international political institutions.
The League of Nations is an international political institu: tion. Its affairs will of necessity be administered by agents of the bourgeoisie of all countries. It will be the main office of the world exploiters. The first interest of those who will comprise its constituency remains as it was, the preservation of their class supremacy. Pressure may compel their abandonment of points of vantage but the final dominance of the class will never be bartered. There is nothing to exchange for it. It must be wrested, if it is to be acquired. This class position, heretofore predominantly rationalistic, is not to disappear upon the formation of the League of Nations. On the contrary, the League will in reality be the instrument for the facilitation of international exploitation. Capitalistic institutions have attained such gigantic proportions as to require international administration. And, as against the exploited class, the identity of economic interest of the exploiters in spite of what competitive tendencies may be operating within the limits of this common interest compels the establishment of some mutual instrument of common protection. The enemies of the workers are welding a new sword.
The growth of the class consciousness of the workers of the world will most naturally develop the objects to be attacked by the League. The international spread of solidarity throughout the ranks of the proletariat generates an international spread of apprehension throughout the ranks of the bourgeoisie. The arrest of the spread of this solidarity must be a principal endeavor of the League of Nations. While there does appear to be a growing conviction among the more progressive representatives of the bourgeoisie that social unrest is not a germ disease, yet it is altogether possible that one of the methods of attacking this evil will be to strangle it at the source. This follows from the stupidity of the mind that contemplates social unrest as capable of being caused only by contagion. It is as if one were to pour water on a bon fire, all the while unaware that a volcano is about to erupt under his feet. Yet there is no denying the potency of the example of actual socialist success, in the furtherance of revolutionary propaganda. And in the pursuance of a policy based upon an erroneous assumption, the League of Nations may impede Socialist progress in no little degree. Posing as the guardian of the welfare of the world, the League may stand