618 THE CLASS STRUGGLE EDITORIALS 619 an opinion on the subject, and that he would bow gracefully to any decision that the Bourbon gentlemen from the South and the pliant Republican tools of the big interests in the East and West might reach.
So in a single speech, Wilson shattered the house of cards that honest ideologists, practical socialists and gullible radicals had constructed out of his fine speeches and appealing phrases.
The bubble of World Democracy and Liberalism by the grace of so called progressive statesmen, by a reconstruction of this capitalist world, has burst.
The struggle for liberty still rests alone in the revolutionary movement of the working classes of the world.
Where they expected him to define and outline a practical application of his famous fourteen points, he was eloquently silent.
Where they hoped for a reiteration of the principle of the right of self determination of nations, not only for those small nations that had been freed from the domination of the Central Powers, but of those larger and once more powerful nations, Germany, Austria Hungary and Russia, that have freed themselves from their own oppressors, he announced the necessity of retaining a considerable proportion of the American Army in Europe.
Where they thought that America, under his leadership, would set to the world an example of naval and military disarmament, he urged Congress to order the execution of the threeyear naval construction program, while two days later the Secretary of War, Baker, one of the President closest advisors, spoke, guardedly, it is true, but very suggestively nevertheless, of the probable necessity of universal military service.
Where they awaited a general pardon for all political prisoners and conscientious objectors, where they were confident that he would recommend the immediate repeal of all war restriction laws on the freedom of speech, press and assemblage, he was mute.
Where they were sure that a comprehensive reconstruction program would be presented to Congress, that radical recommendations in favor of a general minimum wage and eight hour laws would be made in this message, there came the statement that from no quarter have seen any general scheme of reconstruction emerge which thought it likely we could force our spirited business men and self reliant laborers to accept with due pliancy and obedience.
Where they were convinced that he would insist, not only upon the retention of the railroads and public utilities already under national domination, but that he would favor an extended system of state capitalism of some of the other important industries of the nation, he declared that he had been unable to form The Elections The election that has just taken place brought the results that were to be expected. The absence of the most vigorous element, the young enthusiasts, from the ranks of our workers, the disorganization that followed upon the imprisonment of many of our ablest comrades and party officials, the intimidation by the press and the super patriotic element of the population could not but lessen our activity and propaganda.
At the same time it was to be understood that the big vote polled by the Socialist Party at the 1917 election in different sections of the country was more of an anti military, anticonscription and anti war vote than one for socialist principles. The Socialist party, as the only party opposed to war had to attract, beside a part of the pro German vote, the men and women who were honestly opposed to the war, This vote, naturally swings back to the old parties as soon as the cause of their desertion has been removed, and since the armistice negotiations that had started a few weeks before election, most of these votes returned to the old parties. Nor can it be overlooked that the sentiment of the public at large has changed to a great extent, and that the intensive drives and