BolshevismBourgeoisieDemocracyRussian RevolutionSocial DemocracySocialismWorkers MovementWorkers PartyWorking ClassWorld War

107 106 THE CLASS STRUGGLE state lies in absolutist hands, and maintained that the Duma is incapable of carrying out the principles of the Revolution.
Legislative activity was denounced, and the propagandistic and organizatory function of the Duma was underscored.
The general character of Duma activity must be subordinated to the proletarian movement that stands behind it. In the agrarian proletariat the Bolsheviki saw a powerful ally in its revolutionary struggles, an ally that should be separated from the influence of the liberals, which, together with the army, under the leadership of the proletariat, should be swept into an attack upon reaction and against the traitorous liberal bourgeoisie. They characterized the liberal bourgeoisie as monarchial and counter revolutionary, whose ideal lay in a capitalist state of society, protected against the proletariat by monarchy, police, a dual legislative system and a standing army.
Eleven years have passed since the London Congress of the Social Democracy of Russia. The Bolsheviki have in no wise changed their tactics, just as the general character of the Russian Revolution has undergone no changes. The Mensheviki, on the other hand, have been divided While a part still upholds international revolutionary traditions, another, with Plechanov, has landed in a morass of international social patriotism and civil peace. In the midst of the world war the second tidal wave of the Russian Revolution flooded the country. It washed away the capitalist gentlemen and their opportunistic helpers who strove to master it, and left in its wake the masters of the Revolution, the Bolsheviki.
Plechanov and Breshkovskaya By ALGAssov in the Isvestya of the Vladivostok Council of Workers and Soldiers Delegates.
Here are two names that once were very dear to Russian revolutionists.
And now?
Now these names are pronounced by revolutionists with mingled feelings of indignation, disgust, and regret.
With the name of Plechanov is associated the entire history of the Russian Social Democratic Workers Party. With the name of Breshkovskaya is associated the entire history of the Social Revolutionist Party.
One was wonderful in theory, the other was wonderful in practice.
By many years of struggle for revolutionary socialism they gave evidence of their devotion to the working class.
Who would ever have thought that the time would come when both Plechanov and Breshkovskaya would be fighting against the ideas of revolutionary socialism?
Who would ever have thought that these steadfast champions of liberty would ecstatically applaud landholders, manufacturers, and bankers. Who would have thought before that the bourgeois papers would lavish their praises on Plechanov and Breshkovskaya?
But the impossible was destined to become possible.
Now Plechanov and Breshkovskaya have not only ceased the labors for the cause which they had served all their lives, they have not only left the revolution, but they have come out against the revolution, against the interests of the workers and peasants.
That is why the bourgeois press praises them so highly, that is why the representatiyes of the bourgeoisie like them so much.
Plechanov edits a paper called Unity, in which he advocates the harmony of the interests of workers and capitalists.
Breshkovskaya is a contributor to Volya Naroda, which is edited by the Kornilovites, Savinkov and Lebedeff.
Both papers are carrying on a campaign against the move1