84 THE CLASS STRUGGLE 85 The Tragedy of the Russian Revolution nationalists and most valiant fighters for peace unrepresented would clearly be in such an anomalous position as to make its labors highly unsatisfactory. way must therefore be found to make participation by these elements possible. And we venture to suggest that if the true socialist and internationalist character of such a Conference were otherwise assured that would make it possibly for such groups as the Liebknecht group in Germany to participate therein.
How assure that character? That is the crux of the problem.
lem. The suggestion made some time ago by the Russian Workmen and Soldiers Council that certain principles ought to be agreed upon in advance as the basis for the labors of such a conference is a good one. There ought to be something done by way of preliminary to the Conference which would bind its participants to some common principle upon which any International Socialist Peace Conference ought to stand. And, then, by way of neutralizing the effect of the presence of the German Scheidemanns, the Socialists of the other countries must see to it that their Scheidemanns at least are kept away from it. If the Socialists of the other countries send to the next Stockholm Conference none but proved internationalists, there will be little danger of the commis voyageurs of the governments of the Central Empires running away with it.
It is up to the revolutionary elements of the Socialist movement the world over including those resident in the United States of America. If they want such a Conference held, and that it be a real International Socialist Peace Conference they must be up and doing.
By BOUDIN It is the tragedy of the Russian Revolution that it was born in war. It seems that nothing that this war has brought about or ripened to fruition is destined to give us unmixed joy. Just where the latest upheaval in Russia will lead to, it is impossible at the present writing to say. One thing is certain: The blood which was not spilt in the uprising of the Russian people against the autocracy of the Tzar is to be spilt in a civil war following upon the uprising of the Socialists Lenine and Trotzky against the Socialists Kerensky and Tzeretelli. But it is not the blood that will be spilt in this awful struggle of brother against brother that is of the greatest importance. Transcending far the question of lives extinguished, bodies mutilated, and treasure destroyed, is the question of the outcome of it all: For we cannot, we must not, conceal from ourselves the fact that the most probable, nay, the only possible result of the latest uprising is a counter revolution which will rob the Russian people of the best fruits of the Revolution. And that quite irrespective of the outcome of the battle which is now raging in or about Petrograd.
And yet, the thing was practically inevitable. It is easy, of course, to praise this one or blame that one. Our readers will find in this issue articles by Lenine and Trotzky blaming it on the moderates, and we dare say that other publications will have served them with a sufficient amount of blame charged up to the extremists to even up the account. Unfortunately, neither the outpourings of the regular publications, nor the brilliant essays of Lenine and Trotzky really explain anything. The stupid and vicious attacks of the regular press against Trotzky and his associates as German agents, etc. etc. cannot, of course, explain the position, aims and purposes, of the Russian ultra revolutionists. Nor does calling them charitably honest but misguided fanatics bring us much nearer to an understanding of these men and their work. But the brilliant invective and raillery of Trotzky is equally impotent to give us a clear understanding why such tried and proven revolutionary Socialists like Skobeleff, Tzeretelli and Tchcheidze should suddenly turn bourgeois pacifists.