EnglandFranceGermanyImperialismSocialism

26 THE CLASS STRUGGLE SOCIALIST TERMS OF PEACE 27 policy, encouraging France in the acquisition of colonies, while keeping Germany out of colonial adventures.
It is now commonly said that Germany has been preparing for the present war for forty four years, that is, since the conclusion of the Franco Prussian war. This statement is very far from accurate. Far from preparing for a new war, Germany was distinctly peaceful during a period of about fifteen to twenty years immediately following the Franco Prussian war in so far as an armed nation can be peaceful.
At the close of that period there opened up a new era in the history of capitalistic civilization, the era commonly referred to as that of Modern Imperialism. The salient characteristic of that era is the hunt for spheres of exploitation in the form of exclusive privileges for the development of undeveloped countries. This transformed Germany from a satiated country into a hungry one; hungry for colonies. This involved the abandonment of Bismarck continental policy and the turning of the German Empire into a World Power. The new policy was officially announced in the present Kaiser famous declaration that: the future of the German Empire lies on the sea. This turned Germany upon a new career of militarism and warlike aggression. It was not merely a question of acquiring a few colonies in Africa or elsewhere, for the purpose of colonizing there the surplus population of the German Empire as some simple souls imagine; or of getting admittance into the markets of these undeveloped countries for the purpose of selling goods, as some other simple souls believe. Germany has no surplus population, for one thing. And if she had such a surplus there would be no difficulty in disposing of it: the civilized over lords or protectors of undeveloped countries have a broad welcome for all colonists and no questions asked.
Nor are there any trade difficulties in undeveloped countries to speak of. It so happens that England is the principal colonial power of the world. And that grasping nation has followed an undeniably liberal policy in her colonies, keeping their doors open to the trade of the entire world. China keeps her doors open by international agreement. Turkey foreign trade is regulated by an international commission, and there are no discriminations as far as ordinary trade is concerned.
What was involved was the right to participate in the exploitation of the resources of the undeveloped portions of the globe on a scale commensurate with the greatness of the nation, otherwise known as obtaining a proper place in the sun. But that was utterly impossible under the conditions of the status quo ante bellum. Under that status Germany was a continental nation the world overseas being pre empted by other nations, principally by England. This was not merely a question of colonial possessions or dependencies, but of sea power. England, by virtue of her position as the leading sea power of the world, had a predominant influence in all decisions affecting the future of all undeveloped countries, whether they were formally tributary to her or not. Such a condition was neither profitable to those elements of the German nation whose prosperity depended on imperialistic expansion, nor did it comport with the dignity, honor, or station in life of the leading nation of the world. It was manifestly impossible for the most civilized nation of the world to stand idly by while other nations were civilizing the uncivilized world, and incidentally pegging out claims for their own posterity. This made the future of the Greatest nation on earth insecure. It was being left a mere continental power in a world of Worldpowers. If this great nation was to retain her greatness, and count in the world for as much as she counted on her own continent, she evidently had to bestir herself and become in the world what she was on that continent: Bismarck successors must do for Germany in the world what that great statesman had done for Prussia in Europe.
This meant, in the first place, the building of an enormous navy; a navy, if not exactly as large as the English navy, at least of a size to be dangerous to the English navy when alone and sufficient to beat the English navy with the assistance of some other navy. But a strong navy does not mean merely a certain number of ships, with their men and armaments: a