The New International, September October, 1918 Page Three ment. The land committees of the rural the unification of all the separate parts great problem is made exceptionally society pregnant with the new, moderate districts are unified into the county com of a particular industry into one indust difficult by the sabotage of the bourge. Socialism is a conservative and conservmittee, which in turn elects delegates to rial department, as provided in the theo oisie and the moderate Socialists, who ing factor in the bourgeois system of a provincial committee, the provincial ry of industrial unionism, and the uni do all in their power to clisrupt the work things, directly and indirectly an ally of land committees being centralized into fication of these separate industrial de of the Soviets. Obviously, the working Imperialism and a traitor to the revothe Main Land Committee acting for all partments into one industrial centralized of this process of reconstruction is not a lution.
Russia. On this central body are rep administration.
smooth one, considering the disorgan The fate of the proletarian revolution resented the All Russian Congress of particularly important measure was ization inherited by the Bolshevist re in Russia only the future can reveal, Soviets of Peasants and Workers, the the nationalization of the banks, which gime and the intense opposition of va. truly. But one thing is clear: the prole.
Commissaire of Agriculture, etc. The destroys the potential power of finance rious elements of the population. tarian revolution in Russia is the call abolition of private ownership in land to control indusry. By means of na The petite bourgeois pedants of So to the new day; it marks the entry of includes city real estate and buildings, tionalization, the banks become exclu cialism, the characteristic pseudo Marx the international proletariat into the land and buildings being declared pub sively a means for the development of ists reviled by Marx, piled theory upon epoch of the final struggle against caplic property.
industry, and not dominantly a means history and history upon theory to prove italism the epoch of the Social RevoIt will be observed that this elaborate of exploitation as under the bourgeois the impossibility of a proletarian revo tion. Marx is the source of Socialist machinery for the management of ag. regime. One of the first measures of lution in Russia; but life itself and the theory; the proletarian revolution in riculture starts at the bottom, and not the proletarian revolution must neces. proletariat achieved the apparently imRussia is the source of Socialist practice.
at the top. It is the same with the sarily be the destruction of the power of possible. Russia for nine months has The world is in the agonizing travail workers control of industry. The state monopolistic finance by means of the been a proletarian community, a mag of a new birth. Capitalism, the Capexpresses activity of the organized nationalization of the banks.
nificent expression of the Social Revo italism of this imperialistic epoch, is in producers, and not the producers the Systematic and intensive measures of lution. The ultimate fate of this pro a new stage of its developement the will of the state. As a reading of the labor legislation are introduced, mea letarian revolution only the future can decree establishing workers control of sures directed to the improvement of reveal. It is a challenge to the prole lutionary Socialist to work devotedly final stage. It is the task of the revoindustry will show, industry has not the workers status at the expense of the tariat of the world; it is particularly a been completely socialized; the em owners of industry, and unflinchingly for the reconstruction challenge to the Socialist, since if the ployer, or the owner, is still retained This is a rough sketch of the measures proletarian revolution is crushed the of Socialism as determined by the reas a director, but his rightsas owner are of reconstruction introduced by the Sovobrogated. This control of industry iets. The great problem is the reorganbulk of the responsibility will belong quirements of the new epoch. By deto moderate Socialism and in and out of dicating ourselves to this task, we shall starts with the local workers, and grad ization of industry, the rapid and in Russia. In the great crisis, a crisis worthly answer the challenge of the proually it should transform itself into tensive increase of production. This produced by the convulsions of the old letarian revolution in Russia.
The Collapse of the International By LENIN Lenin wrote this article in May, 1915, that in its parties has ripened a sort of nas, who cites the former Socialist dec unto damnation the new magazine of and expresses the general revolution disgusting, purulent abscess, and froin larations of patriotic context (as does Mehring and Rosa Luxembourg (Interary Socialist attitude toward the col somewhere there is being emitted an the German Social Chauvinist David in nazionale) for its correct estimation of lapse of the Second International. unbearable, cadaverous odor.
his last pamphlet, on the defence of the Kautsky. Let Vandervelde, Plechanoff, Karl Kautsky, attacked herein by fatherland. but who does not cite the Hyndman Co. with the help of the Lenin, has since joined the opposition Basel manifesto. About this manifesto police of the Triple Entente treat their Is the treason to all their convictions in the Independent Socialist Party; and problems of the chief Socialist parPlechanoff is completely silent while of opponents in the same way we will reply but his tendency is still that of the ties of Europe evident? It is to be fering up with an especially smug air, simply by reprinting the Basel maniKautsky indicted by Lenin.
his chauvinistic commonplaces. Kauts festo, which convicts these leaders of understood that neither the traitors nor ky is like Plechanoff; in citing the those who well know or vaguely guess THE collapse of the International is their change and for which there is no other word but treason.
Basel manifesto he skips all the revoluthat they will be obliged to make peacetionary places (that is all which is subsometimes looked upon purely from and friends with them. like to speak of The Basel resolution treats not of a its formal side, as a rupture of the interstantial) very likely under the pretext national, not of a people war, examnational tie between the Socialist parthis. But no matter how unpleasant it of prohibition by the censor. The police ples of which have occurred in Europe, may be to various authorities of the ties of the belligerent countries the imand the military heads with their censorSecond International or their party which even were typical of the period possibiliy to convene either an Internafriends among the Russian Social Demo revolution and the class struggle, have ial prohibition against mentioning the between 1789 and 1871, and not of a tional Socialist Conference or the International Socialist Bureau, etc. This point the face, give them their own nanies, in crats, we must look things straight in been very handy in helping the traitrevolutionary war which Socialists have of view has been adopted by the Social short tell the truth to the workers.
ors of the Revolution. But perhaps the never renounced, but of the present war on the basis of capitalistic Imperialists of the small neutral countries, perBasel manifesto presents some sort of Are there any real data as to the posi an empty appeal, which has no definite ism and dynastic interests on the haps even by the majority of their offition taken prior to this war and in ex content, neither historical or factionalbasis of a policy of conquest of both cial parties, also by opportunists and pectation of it, by the Socialist parties? which may directly refer to this present the belligerent groups, Austro German their defenders.
Undisputably there are. They are the as well as Anglo French Russian. Plech.
war?
For class conscious workingmen Soresolutions of the Basel International anoff, Kautsky Co. are plainly deceivcialism is an earnest conviction and not On the contrary the Basel resolution ing the workers in repeating the selfish a convenient cover for bourgeois concil. Congress of 1912, together with the resocontains less than others of declamation, falsehoods of the bourgeoisie of all lution of the Chemnitz German Social iatory and nationally conflicting aims.
and more concrete substance. The Basel lands who strive with all their power to Democratic Convention, of the same By the collapse of the International resolution deals specifically with the year, which live as a remembrance of represent this imperialistic colonial, they understand the flagrant treason of the forgotten words of Socialism.
very same war which did come and espe predatory waras a national and selfthe majority of the official Social Demodefensive war (no matter for whom. Summing up the propagandist and cially of those same imperialistic concratic parties to their convictions, to flicts which broke out in 1914 1915. The and in searching justifications for it their most solemn declarations expressed agitational literature of all countries conflict of Austria and Serbia because of from the sphere of historical examples in the speeches at the Stuttgart and against war the Basel resolution reprethe Balkans, of Austria and Italy besents the most correct and full, the most of non imperialistic wars.
Basel International Congresses, and in cause of Albania, etc. of England and solemn and formal exposition of Socialthe resolutions at said Congresses, etc.
The question as to the imperialistic, Germany because of markets and colon: predatory, anti proletarian character of ist views on war and of the tactics in Only those will not see such treason as relation to war.
We can not call by ies in general, of Russia with Turkey, etc. because of Armenia and Constantithis war has long ago passed from the do not want to see it, those to whom it will be disadvantageous to see it.
any other name than treason the fact nople that is what the resolution of purely theoretical stage. Not only has that no one of the authorities of the To formulate the matter in a scientfic Basel, foreseeing the present war, deals Imperialism been theoretically apInternational of yesterday and of the with specifically.
praised in all its main characteristics as Precisely of the way, e. from the standpoint of the social patriotism of today. neither the struggle of a perishing, rotting, derelations of classes in modern society, Hyndman, nor Guesde, nor Kautsky, nor present war between the great Powers we must state that the majority of the Plechanoff, dare to remind their read.
of Europe the Basel resolution states crepit bourgeoisie for the partition of that such war can not be justified under the world and the enslavement of Socialist parties, at the head of which ers of this resolution, and are either al small nations; not only have these was the largest and most influential party together silent about it or they cite (as any pretext whatsoever of national inconclusions been repeated in all the terest. of the Second International the Ger does Kautsky) the unimportant, while vast literature of the Socialists of all man party placed themselves at the they pass over the important parts of it. And if now Plechanoff and Kautsky countries; not only has, for example, the side of their general staffs, their govern The most extreme, arch revolutionary to take only two of the typical Social Frenchman, Deleze, a representative of ments, and their bourgeoisie, against the resolutions and the most shameless neg ists of authority. are searching for all one of our Allied countries, in the proletariat. This was an event of world. lect or repudiation of them such is one sorts of national justifications for the pamphlet The Inevitable War. in the historical significance and it is impos of the striking manifestations of the col. war, if they, with learned air and with year 1911. popularly exposed the sible to pass it without a more exhaust lapse of the International and at the a stock of false citations from Marx, predatory character of the present war ive analysis. It has long ago been rec same time one of the striking proofs refer for examples to the wars of 1813 even from the standpoint of the French ognized that wars with all the horrors that to believe in the reformation of and 1870 (Plechcanoff) or 1854, 1871, bourgeoisie. That isn enough. The and misery they bring, are of more or Socialism and in the straightening of 1876 77, and 1897 (Kautsky. then, in representatives of the proletarian parless benefit in mercilessly exposing its line by means of resolutions alone truth, only people without a shadow of ties of all countries unanimously and and destroying a great deal of the rot is a belief only of people in whom an Socialistic convictions, without the least formally declared at Basel their firm ten, defunct and the cadaverous in unexampled naivete is combined with bit of Socialistic conscience, can take conviction that a war was imminent prehuman institutions. The European war a cunning desire to perpetuate the for such proof seriously, and not style them cisely of an Imperialistic character and of 1914 15 is beginnigg to bring un. mer hypocrisy: as unmitigated Jesuitism, hypocricy and drew tactical conclusion because of that.
doubted benefit, in revealing to the most The views of Guesde have lately been prostitution of Socialism. Let the Ger Therefore, in passing, all allusions as advanced class of civilized countries, expressed by the Guesdist, Charles Dai man Vorstand of the party deliver to failure to define the difference be