BourgeoisieCapitalismRussian RevolutionSocialismSocialist PartyStrikeSyndicalismWorking ClassWorld War

The New International, Febraury, 1918 Page Five fused to see when the Leninites called it to their attention time and again: that, verge of state bankruptcy and that the cut on which the Council rests: in such the middle classes now are powerless coming winter would bring a general fam an army committees of soldiers are im against reaction and see all their class strengthened by the acts of the governine. No, not the governmental power, possible; a simple command of the gen demands dissipate. And the supporters of ment, the counter revolution grew and Tscheidse lamented in answer to this cate eral can at once eliminate the whole Coun this narrow suicidal policy, which in 1848 threatened to destroy all the gains of the gorical question; but neither a dictator cil. And when finally the Council sees were the bourgeois democrats, now were Revolution.
ship. The bourgeoisie knew enough, but the danger and wants to resist, it would be known as social patriots, the party of the The Council had, as a preliminary, was clever enough not to hurry: most of too late: it has no longer control over misinformed or bourgeois minded workers first to realize its insignificance. At the the social patriots remained in the min the soldiers.
and small bourgeois classes, who keep the Conference of August 4th the delegates istry, supplemented by Cadets and other Up to this stage the Russian revolution masses stupid by their radical sounding of the bourgeoisie declared: conditions elements still more to the right, and the developed almost completely in accord phrases, combined with purely bourgeois as they are cannot continue any longer; Council promised to support this govern ance with previous bourgeois revolutions, conceptions. They proved in Russia the there has to be unity in the government; ment.
especially with that of France in 1848, worst enemies, not only of the proletariat, if the Council refuses full responsibility At the same time General Kornilof the development being the natural con that largely ceased to listen to them, but for the government, it should not continue started to organize the retreating army. sequence of the attitude adopted by the also of those classes that listened, resultto demand a voice and to obstruct, but And he emphatically made the following different groups and parties. And hereining in disaster.
should accept a dictatorship of the gov condition: a free hand to take such meas lies mainly the important lesson of this But the revolution is not ended at this ernment. So Miljukof asked: is the ures as were considered necessary to re revolution for the proletariat. It shows stage. The inner conditions are still as Council willing to take the governmental establish discipline, including capital us how the middle classes (in 1848 the untenable as before and become more power in its own hands? He perfectly punishment, and without interference from small bourgeoisie in Paris, in 1917 the untenable since. The proletariat has the knew that the Council feared nothing anybody. The govemment accepting these Russian peasants) by allowing themselves power to rise again; the world war still more than to have full power and to conditions, the army would become ever to be used against the workers, bring the continues and presses upon the European frighten them still more you can never so more what it is in Europe, a spineless bourgeoisie into power and so dig their proletariat the necessity of revolutionary know the minister of finances, Tsin tool in the hands of the commanders, own grave; weakened because they them movements.
garef, declared that Russia was on the and then the last prop would have been selves helped to subdue the proletariat, Holland, August, 1917.
Mass Action Action and Socialism. tion, By RUTGERS the mass strike the dynamic method powerful conception.
ary mass action grows inta a living and ment, that only our lack of power stands itself. Even the New York police showed Industrial action, in the way of the realization of our hopes. signs of discontent and revolt, on account of the proletarian struggle in the Re no doubt, forms the backbone of the con What we want above all is a unity and of the demonstrations in connection with volution. She considers mass action, and ception in a country with highly developed concentration of the forces already existthe recent car strike. In a period of nuits most important feature the mass strike, industry. Industrial Unionism may, how ing in a latent form, a combination and merous demonstrations and protests all over as the sum total of a period in the class the country combined with a variety of struggle that may last for years or tens ever, develop into a struggle for wages further development of these forces toonly; into job control without any fur wards our revolutionary aims.
strikes, the bureaucratic apparatus will of years until victory comes to the pro ther vision. Mass action is the broader The mental expression of this unity have great difficulty in maintaining its letariat. In permanent change, it com vision, which includes all mass movements of proletarian forces is mass action. It regular efficiency. At the same time the prises all the phases of the political and towards the Social Revolution.
is the expression of the firm belief that government will, through concessions in economic struggle, all phases of the Re It may be objected that, if industrial the workers can only count on their own some places and brutality in others, open volution. Mass action in its highest form action is the most efficient form of masspower. It means a definite break with the eyes of large groups of workers preof political strike means the unity of po action, why bother about minor issues? the plomacy, corruption and betrayal viously caught in bourgeois ideologies of litical and economic action, means the pro Why not concentrate all our efforts and of middle class leaders. It calls for a a State for the benefit of the People, letrian revolution as a historic process, The word mass action thought in building our industrial unions clear cut, straight lined class struggle etc. And we should not forget that edulike the so strong as to overcome the capitalist theory and tactics, not only within the cation through mas action is one of the words class struggle, industrial acemployer and the capitalist state? Such increase our mental grasp of the average worker, but most important factors Imperialism, etc. may mean power. No education without action and an objection overlooks the complexity of in such a form that the mechanism of its nothing; in fact they are used to cover real conditions. We are not free in choos organized expression can be carried on no greater educator for the workers than the most conflicting thoughts and deeds.
We should not overlook ing our methods in accordance with cer by the workers without being dependent mass action.
Representing a general conception living tain general theoretical constructions, but upon high brow intellectuals. Mass acthe fact that mass demonstrations will inin the minds and the deeds of millions of have to build on the solid ground of actualtion appeals to the numbers, but numbers clude the well trained industrial workers, workers, a word may become a powerful facts in the light of historical develop welded into a mass, numbers bound togo hand in hand with strikes, aid symbol and active force in the struggle ments. No matter what our preachings gether by a common cause, a common to a certain extent can be organized in acfor emancipation. Since Capitalism is mass movements in one form or another aim, a common thought, leading to comcordance with each special occasion, which outgrown and has to maintain its grasp on will develop and we will have to make mon action and common organization. In is one of the foremost duties of a revoluthe world by mental and moral fraud, the best of it. And on the other hand, its complexity of form, mass action mirtionary Socialist party.
a clear conception of proletarian methods industrial organization has its historical rors the actual variety of the working An advantage of demonstrations in is most essential. Science being the limits beyond which we cannot rise at the class, in its unity of action it throws aside connection with problems is that they monopoly of non proletarian classes un given moment of our action. Large all middle class elements, that are not put a general issue for immediate conder Capitalism, all the workers can hope groups of workers will continue for a cer willing to break with their capitalist affili sideration, and thereby tend to concentrate for, unless they will entrust their fate in tain length of time to organize in craft ations. Mass action is the very horror and unite action, in which industrial to the hands and heads of middle class unions, and although we will tell them of the small bourgeois minds; is mere strikes may be supplemented by other mass representatives, is to grasp some of the they are wrong and fight them where craziness to the intellectual radical. How movements involving the capitalist state in fundamental proletarian truths. These injurious to their class, still they will in the world should the poor uneducated a general fight from which it can only truths inevitably have to be coined into be a factor in our revolutionary strug worker get along without the well mean escape either by concessions or by brutalshort slogans, this being the only form gle either for or against. Moreover large ing, costly advice and representation of ity, in both instances opening the eyes of of theoretical abstraction, suitable both groups of unskilled workers will continue intellectuals?
new groups of proletarians.
for the purpose of proletarian theory and to live in such a state of slavery and ter But is it possible to increase our power fighting practice. What a thesis means roism, that only occasional shocks will by street demonstrations, strikes of pro towards industrial action, because the latMass action never can be antagonistic to the scientist is expressed by the workers be able to overcome the pressure of the test, general campaigns for political isin general slogans and expressions, such as iron heel. We also have to bear in mind ter is only the most efficient form of mass sues, such as freedom of speech, judicial action, is a part, is the backbone of general mass action, Imperialsim, industrial union that the very process of capitalism con murders, militarism, high cost of living, ism, class struggle, etc. Such and similar sists in swallowing middle class groups and unemployment, etc. Are not the masses mass action. No successful mass action words may be said to express the proleta farmers between the grinding wheels of who come together for those purposes too is conceivable without being firmly rooted rian philosophy, the strength of which de industry and that each generation needs heterogeneous, too much liable to be disin the economic power of the workers, and pends upon the completeness and the unity agam its education towards industrial acpersed or annihilated by military force, too the strongest form to organize this power of conception reflected by these words in tion, and at any given moment millions and is in industrial unions. But this does unorganized to develop power? To anthe minds of the workers. The meaning millions of proletarians will continue to not mean that there is no economic power of the words changes with the position of work under conditions very remote from swer this question, we should first realize outside of this particular form of organithe workers in the class struggle and tobig industry, and though it may be true what the purpose is of our power. We zation. In fact industrial unions at presthat these groups never will be the backwant power for the Social Revolution to ent are surprisingly weak. Is it logical, is gether with the consolidation of tactics, bone of revolutionary movements, still overcome capitalist society.
You may it less than a crime to neglect all other the corresponding onceptions get a more they will have to play their part. To overcome power by strengthening your forms of economic power of the workers so definite and more general shape. But at overcome the capitalist organization and own, as well as by weakening your oppo far as they can be utilized for the big fight the same time the consolidation of these the capitalist state is a job in which we nent power. wrestler may subdue against Capital and the capitalist state as conceptions in the heads of the workers cannot afford to neglect whatever forces his colleague by a supreme effort, but its most formidable instrument? Will the result in a more efficient, a more power may contribute to success.
We are not he will more likely succeed because his Russian revolution with its splendid unity ful struggle for emancipation.
satisfied to wait until in some problematiconstrations may not be able to force a opponent tires out quicker. Mass demof industrial strikes and street demonstraConservative Socialists may call any future all capitalist production will be tions into one sweeping mass movement government to give in, but there is no meeting of a dozen persons or over, a in the form of big industry and all prole doubt that mass demonstrations, strikes have no lessons for us?
mass meeting, and may consider a big tarians will have passed the school of Will we wait for certain forms where of protest, etc. have a strong tendency to middle class vote the highest form of mass industrial education. We are convinced weaken the position of the capitalist state, others act and win? Would the German action there is little doubt, however, that the technical development of the cap Demonstrations can and will be suppressed workers have a chance unless they combine that in large and increasing groups of italist world makes conditions ripe for a by military force, but this at the same industrial strikes with more general forms American workers the idea of revolution Socialist commonwealth at this very mo time endangers the morale of militarism of mass action?