Saturday, June 1919 THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE The Character of the Russian Revolution on the of work of IS in to preserve the its own way, in responstructive a exploitation the party of the the larger and no means be ciologout would be ready to relinquishes polyukovich We Cadets science.
not HE liberal and Social Revolutionist Menshevik TI By Leon Trotzky struggle to exert an influence of their own over the scribes and politicians are much concerned over workers, the petit bourgeois continued constantly harp; the question of the sociological significance of the From The Proletrian Revolution in Russia, ing on their statesmanship, their patriotism, and Kussian Revolution. Is it a bourgeois revolution or by Lenin and Leon Trotzky some other kind of a revolution?
At first glance, this counter revolutionary capital. They simultaneously academic theorizing may appear somewhat enigmatical. with the Girondistes, he cut off their heads. This was lost the possibility of any kind of liquidaton even of intereses abelhice mething to sain: by revealing the class cruel. there is no denying it. But this tev sminiby se vending her the prevent the French neprelition froth Becoming a great. the people of severer till attached peod thene senting strugpetit gle of the Social Revolutionists and Mensheviki for influence over over the proletariat was more detarian parts activity, but rather of cor. non sense, which is make use of theoretical analysis in their political whose name so many mal practices are now perpetrated suming the form of a struggle by the proletarian parts was simply a plebeian effort to dispose in our country, said that the whole French terror, the enemies to obtain the leadership of the semi proletarian masses is. by Plekhanov, as to the bourgeois character of the very much afraid of the same plebeian methods of handed over their Russian Revolution, contains not a single grain of disposing of the enemies of the people, the Jacobins Social Revolutionists and Mensheviki were obliged to to the bourgeois cliques, the theory. Neither Yedinstvo, nor Retch, nor Den, nor applied hand over the revolutionary mission to show that the Rabochaya Gazeta, its head seriously affected, takes rule of blood and iron with regard to the bourgeoisie, attempt to decide fundamental any pains to formulate what it understands by a bour whenever the latter made any attempt to halt or to geois revolution. The intention of their manoeuvres Remere reference to the sotargeoistictharai tactics by mouse the Jacobins. It is apparent, Revolution can only succeed in confusing the minds of practical: to demonstrate the right of the that the Tacobins carried out a bourgeois the backward workers and deceiving the peasants.
bourgeois revolution to assume power. Even Tolitic revolution without the bourgeoisie.
In the French Revolution of 1848, the proletariat is the Soviets may represent the majority of the Referring to the English Revolution of 1648, Engels already making heroic efforts for independent action.
ally trained population, even though in all the demo wrote: In order that the bourgeoisie might pluck all But as yet it has neither a clear revolutionary theory cratic elections, in city and in country, the capitalist the fruits that had matured, it was necessary that the nor an authoritative class organization. Its importance were swept out eclat. so long as our revolution should go far beyond its original aims, as son is bours neges of the character, it is necessary was again the case in France in 1793 and in Germany nomic function of the Russian proletariat. In addibourgeoisie, and to to in 1848. This, to be sure, is one of the laws of the tion, behind 1848 there stood another great revolution, assign to to it in the government a role, to wlrich it is is by ezo of bourgeois society. We see that Engels which had solved the agrarian question within the country. If we are to act in accordance structure, which the Mensheviki have been accepting of the proletariat, particulation in this no means entitled by the alignment of of political Law is directly opposed to Plekhanov ingenious and this found its expression a pronounced isolation that of Paris, from the with the principles of democratic imis clear that power belongs to the Sinhamentarism, it and regarding as Marxism.
It may of course be objected that the Jacobins were menseny more favorable thation mor But as our revolution is onded and the themselves a bourgeoisie, a petite bourgeoisie. This is obligations of any kinds, men the absolutely that not and the rapacious principles people eats by the Social Revolutionists and so called revolutionary democracy headquestions, demanding.
bet isolation of our party receive five seats in the ministry, while the represent ween the Cadets, Social Revolutionists the Social an extreme isolation, even by by the method of single num atives of an insignificant minority get twice as many propertienterests, on the one hand, and and lesser from amising measures. The surageous and unTo Hell with democracy! Long live Plekhanov Só Reyolutionists on the other hand, there was not, in any chambers, would by with an af the elections held in city or country, any intermedi isolation of the proletariat from the opressed olution without the bourgeoisie? asks Plekhanov, slyly, the petite bourgeoiste must have found its political of the pone fection of the present leaders of the So! suupose you would like to have a bourgeois reval the revolutionary invoking the support of dialectics and of Engels. That just it!
interesentationerishebin rankose the sociales evolutiona faithless power, which the people hair breadth from the policy of the Social Revolu among the peasant millions, remove the pauperized viets, can only bring about a salutary differentiation wish in the face of And he refers to Plekhanov contradiction to this condition in the fact that they ful Social Revolutionist muzhiks, and convert the So Marxism Sindbjanov, Dan, and Potressov, we must bring cial Revolutionists unable to assume power? In what muraseviolation till a bourgeois revolution, ex conservative privileged porkers. He Why were the so splebeia o retoriation to coalition between the toilers and their sense and why did bourgeois character of the And finally, a mere empty reference to the bourgeois exploiters. And in the light of this Sociology. the Russian Revolution (if we assume that such is its utely nothing about the international character of its clownish handshake of Bublikoy and Tseretelli is re character) compel the Social Revolutionists and Men milieu. And this is a prime factor. The great Jacobin vealed in its full historical significance.
sheviki to supplant the plebeian methods of the Jacob revolution found opposed a backward, feudal, is merely this, that the same bourgeois ins with the gentlemanly device of an character of the Revolution which is now taken as a with the counter revolutionary bourgeoisie?
It justificatioists, of the coalition between the Socialists and that character of our the not in the bour save way to the Bonapartist regime, une interneciell and has po it was for obliged number of years been taken to put character ery Mensheviki as leading to diametrically maintain itself against the united order to mai of our Instead of forces of the middle ages. The Russian Revolution, making the osince, in a bourgeois revolution, they were wont to realization of power in its hands the organ for the essential demands of History, our on the contrary, has before it a Europe that has far outdistanced it, degree say, the governing power can have no other function fraudulent democracy defe of reached the slaughter shows passed on real capitalist development.
the domination of the bourgeoisie. power to the counter revolutionary, than to safeguardalism can have nothing to do with istic clique, and Tseretelli, at the military ference that Europe has reached the it is clear point that pot in ation, that on the basis it, its place is not considered that Socialists could power under pressuntarily, as an evidence of political of the mute and sullen powers of production, it is the op: even boasted that the Soviets had not surrendered their of the private ownership of the means of in the government, but in the position. Plekhanov not after a courageous fight This chaos of blood and ruin is a savage insurrection production, a and defeat, but ernment, and he savagely attacked Kautsky, whose self effacement. The gentleness of the calf, holding mutiny of iron and steel against the dominion of profit. resolution admitted certain exceptions in this connec out its neck for the butcher knife, not the quality against wage slavery, against the miserable deadlock Tempora leagusque mutantur. the gentlemen which is going to conquer new worlds of our human relations. Capitalism, enveloped in the The difference between the terrorists of the Conbe the case also with the laws of the Plekhanov vention and the Moscow capitulaters is the difference mouths of its cannons to hum: ity: flames of a war of its own ming, shouts from the Sociology between tigers and calves of one age, a difference Either conquer over me, or will bury you in my ruins when fall!
No matter how contradictory may be the opinions in courage. But this difference is not fundamental.
All the evolution of the past, the thousands of years of the Mensheviki and their leader.
Plekhanov, when It merely veils a decisive difference in the personnel of human history, of class struggle of cultural accumyou compare their statement before the Revolution of the democracy itself. The Jacobins were based on with their statements of today. one thought does dom of little or no property, including also what mulations, are concentrated now in the sole problem inate both expressions, and that is, that you cannot rudiments of a proletariat were then already in exist of the proletarian revolution. There is no other anscarry out a bourgeois revolution without the bourtremence. In our case, the industrial working class has wer and no other escape. And therein lies geoisie. At blush this idea strength of the Russian Revolution.
would appear to be worked its way out of the ill clefined democracy into a national, position axiomatic. But it is is merely idiotic bourgeois revolution. Anyone who impose.
The history of mankind did not begin with the Mospetit buuryrois democracy hallucinations of the 18th and 19th centuries. Our it thus, is dwelling in the realm of the cow Conference. There were revolutions before. At was losing the most valuable revolutionary the end of the 18th century there was a revolution in 10 the extent to which these qualities were qualities fatherland in time is the 20th century. The further devFrance, lot of the Russian Revolution depends directly on the and on the outcome of the war, that is, on the It was a bourgeois revolution. To one tntelage of the petite bourgeoisie. This phenomenon of its phases power the hands of the to which evolution of class contradictions in Europe, to which had the support of or semi Capitalism had evolved in Russia as compared with this imperialistic war is giving a catastrophic natrire.
proletarian workers of the city the Santubex, or 18th revolu The Kerenskys and Kornilovs began ton early using set up between them and the Girondistes, the liberal tionary power of the Russian proletariat. is based upon the language of competing, autocrats. The Katedins party of the bourgeoisie, the Cadets of their day, the its immense productive power, which is most of all showed their teeth too soon. The renegade Tseretelli neat rectangle of the guillotine. It the dictatin The threat of a railroad strike too early grasped the contemptuously outstreched orship of the Jacobins that gave the French Revolution again reminds us, in our day, of the dependence of finger of counter revolution. As yet the Revolution its present importance, that made it the Great Rev. the whole country on the concentrated labor of the has spoken only its first woril. It still has tremendous olution. And yet, this dictatorship was brought about, proletariat. The petit bourgeois peasant party, in the reserves in Western Europe. In place of the handnot only eithout the bourgeoisie, but against its very very earliest stages of the revolution, was exposed to shake of the reactionary ringleaders with the good foropposition. Robespierre, to whom it was not given to a crossfire between the powerful groups of imperial nothings of the petite bouruevisie will come the grea acquaint himself with the Plekhanov ideas, upset all istic capital on the one hand, and the revolutionary embrace of the Russian proletariat with the proletaria the laws of Sociology, and, instead of shaking hands internationalist proletariat, on the other. In their of Europe.
plain to is sough but in our petit bolites democracy forth by these conclusions.
having The present it can no no longer live and tion. Te שווה first endous It is not in a The the course fell into who century. The was only apparent war time.