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turday, May 24, 1919 THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE A Discussion of Party Problems tinue bourgeois gresive proletariano che requiring new and enliore haec over.
form.
the conditions.
tactics, Tefused lamentals, they אור חס mass movement OMRADES: If a stranger, unacquainted with By Louis Fraina its Socialismi was in reality nothing but State Capthe controversy in the Socialist Party, were here italisin. This parliamentary, petty bourgeois Socialthis evening he inight think, from the words of In Inswer to Alyernon Loc in a Debate Sym ism dominated the Second International, and it broke opponents, that there really wasn very much to pusiun Between Alycrnon Lee and IVilliam down miserably under the test of the war and prolecontroversy. For all that this be stranger might Feigenbaum, Representing the Moderates. and there isn any such thing in existence as the tarian revolution Louis Fraina and Bert Wolfe, Representing the But social conditions changed, and the character of Left Wing. Comrade Lee Refuses to liave his Socialist Party. In this Manifesto and Program the social struggle. About the end of the 19th Speech Published. Held at Arlington Hall, Nere century. Imperialism developed as the donnant form incorporated the purposes and demands of the Left York City, April 11.
of Capitalism. The concentration of industry, the ing; and yet our opponents have not considered it his discussion, have not tried to tear to pieces that cracy and the possibility of the realization of frec export of the nations for new markets to which to doni for the working masses: not parliamentarism, but their surplus capital, presented new economic nite statement of the principles of the Left Wing.
self government of these masses through their elected problems. The economic base of Capitalism narit because they cannot do it.
organizations; not capitalist bureaucracy. but organs rowed: parasitism developed, and Capitalism to conf the policy of the moderate Socialist may be indiet of administration which have been created by the to exploit colonial peoples. Capitalism had none phrase. it is that its character is petty bourmasses themselves, with the real participation of these emerged into an The petty masses in the government of the countries and in the hesitates, compromises.
Tacir clifferences in activity of the Socialist structure this should be the not plant himself upon facts and accept the uncom type of the proletarian state The power of the Workthe Socialist movement devel. im timo:t simultaneaising struggle. The ourgeois, crs Councils and similar organizations is its concrete ously with Imperialism. The concentration of inonifies struggles and social forces. Crushed under iron march of industrial concentration, the petite The dictatorship of the proletariat is to comdlustry, the collapse of parliaincuits, developed the congeoisie, the middle class, does not attribute its cept of industrial unionism in our country and the plete the immediate expropriation of Capitalism and the suppression of private property in means of proconcept of mass action in Europe. Fie representnics but to individual malevforce of duction, which includes, under Socialism. the supatives of moderate Socialism used to broaden ice to Morgan, or or Rockefeller, or some other inpressionof private property and its transfer to a protheir to adapt themselves to the new idual.
The controversy on principles and tactics Tatarian state under the Socialist administration of iw agitating the Socialist Party is a product, not of the working class. the aholition of capitalist agricultural production, the nationalization of the great busiparliamentary policy, with their policy of governe whims of individuals, but of iro iron necessity, ness firms and financial trusts.
ment owenership, government control of industry, sothe upsurge of revolutionary sentiments now trans The itself. But our moderate opponents cannoedure of the Left Wing affiliates, is an International which realizing Socialism on the basis of the boxirgeois state.
consequence was a miserable collapse under the sonify the struggle. and attribute it to the malev epoch, that Socialism must adapt its a test hot waterade poder de manera into the of the controversy. They tariat have definitely emerged into a revolutionary program and maintains that the Internace of individuals. They adopt the policy of per tactics accordingly, that we must prepare to organize tional did not collapse: that the International did try geois inconsistency, and instead of discussion of the proletariat for the conquest of the power of the to prevent war, but did not have the power. But the they offer vituperation of individuals. state and the dictatorship of the proletariat. To conpoint is not that the International did not prevent the war, but that its majority parties accepted and justinalevolent people who want control or this disruption the partv. Comrade Lee speaks of inside rings, the Revolution in a fied the war. Is it not a collapse of the International coming of a revolutionary crisis and to divide on national lines, to aid the imperialistic. ft Wing is a inass movement, and you cannot build of the Revolution, which is not a single act but a tabointe men and women who are self seekers. The the issue, a refusal to consider all actual problems governments, to act against the coming of the proleupon the basis of petty individual with the bourgeoisie to crush the Revolution? That otives. Our opponents call us romanticists, and process Consider a little Socialist history. After the first that policy that the Left Wing organizes.
it is against use much harsher terms. Lenin was character Ralkan war broke out, an energency International much more harshly. Liebknecht, in the news. Congress was held at Basle. Switzerland. This Con with the American Socialist. Party? The American But. comrades inay ask, what has all this grnt to do its of the majority Socialists, was called a neurotic, should be in an insane asylùm. Will the moder eral European War as an imperialistic war. not justi sheviki, it is revolutionary. But if it is all that, sress in its Manifesto, stigmatized the coming, gen Socialist Party was against the war. it favors the Polnever consider fundamentals?
fiable on any ground of national interests: the war.
is becoming quite the customary thing for our it declared. would precipitate an economic and pol erates to praise the Bolsheviki. It wasn more itical crisis which Socialism should use to develop the party of petty bourgeois Socialism.
The truth is that the American Socialist arty is noclerate one year and a half ago that certain individuals revolutionary struggle against the war and Capitalne partynow praising the Bolsheviki, were call ism. But when the general European War broke out core, shackled with chains of iron to parliamentarism.
Tenin and Trotzky anarchists.
Mon fri the Audience: Who are they? Fraina: abandoned the policy of the Basel Manifesto.
in 1914. the majority of the Socialists of Its opposition to the war, among the representatives The of the party, was either sabotaged or transformed cander Trachtenhere. for Get him to face very men who had adopted the Manifesto ind ll prove the charge. into a policy of petty bourgeois pacifism, repudiater! easy to say, We favor the Bolsheviki: but the imit. When Lenin taunter the Scheidemanns, the Plek portant thing is to draw the implication of Holshemrade Lee says that Lenin is a realist. but hanovs. the Greecles and the Kautskys with ahandon vism for the reconstruction of our own party.
we are trving to burlesque the revolution in pe. The implication is that if Lenin were in immediate revolution expected by the Manifesto Comrade Lee is against throwing out the immclisartv he would not affiliate with the Left Wing uipon the declaration of war had not materialized, ate demands. The Left Wing has its immediate deof a Socialist who has alquay been in the Left it was not in accord with the situation. But the Basel mands in the struggle, but they are demands in accord of the International! Yet there is Manifesto did not assert that with the development of the revolutionary class strugh answers Tee, an official document issued less immediately upon the declaration of war. What the gle of the proletariat, not the immediate demands three months ago by the Communist Party of Manifesto did sav was that a political and mie comprised in cheaper milk and democratizing the ia, the Rolsheviki. It is the call for a Commun crisis would come, an objective revolutionary situabourgeois state. Social reformism is the vital issueongress at which to organize a new International. tion, and that it would be the task of Socialism to de: of existence! That is the policy of the Congressional the moderates we shall reform Capitalism out are designated the parties and groups that Communist Party invites to this Congressand revolutionary action for the conquest of power.
Program of the party, that is the policy of our official fficial Socialist Party of the nited States is not When the revolution came in Russia, the Eberts and representatives, that is the polier of Comrade Lec.
ded: hidd inetear the Left Wing groun of the the Scheidemanns said: It is out of the question cause his constituents wanted them. lirainu. That are invitedl. Comradle Lee says that the whole that we in Germany should follow the Russian er tion is based on whether the Anierican Revolu ample. They are revolutionary enthusiasts. is how you educate your constituents. It is time to will break within the next few weeks or months. when the roletarian revolution leveloped in Ger cach them something about Socialism. heing a petty bourgeois Socialist. camot many, the Eberts and Scheidemanns opposed the rev Social reformism is futile and counter revolutionary. It is the negation of Socialism. that policy out cariat for the revolutionary struggle against Cav proving they were right in maintaining that prole the Betraval of Socialism. It is a vwlicy that avoids we can prepare, we can mobilize the olution, in this way, by the rise of murderous force.
of which develops nationalism, social vatriotism, and which, while not the revolution, is a necessary aratinn. The problem, however, is inuch larger. This question of the imminence of the revolution all actual problems of the Revolution.
Bolshevik Call to an International Conumunist is not the question at all. It is the function of revolu When the Russian Revolution brokc. where was tionary Socialists to prenare for the gress says: revolution. The lgernon Lee? He was introducine social reforms As a lasis for the new International we consider 11:ravures in the New York Board of Allermo.
Bolsheviki did not spring up in Russia in 1917. The cessary the recognition of the following princinles, When the German Revolution broke, where was rans did not spring up in Germany on Sovemhich we shall consider our platform, and which have Ngervon Tee? He was introducing social reform 1918. You always had this Left Wing SocialDer men worked out on the basis of the program of the ism in Europe. you have had it in our own warty in measures in the Board of Alderman. and voting for partacus proun in Germany and the Communist party immature form. And the problem which confronts a Victory Arch which is inseriler Murmansk as. Bolsheviki) in Russia. The present is the period of the dissolution and the American Socialist Party is: Shall our party glory of the American troos.
le collapse of the whole capitalist world system, line up with the Scheidemanns, the Louquets, the When the American Revolution comes, where will hich will inean the complete collapse of European Hendersons and the Kautskys the Yellow Interna Ilgernon Lee be? He will still be introducing social ulture. if Capitalism, with its unsolvable contradic tional or we line up with the International of reforin ineasures in the Board of Aldermen.
ons, is not destroyed. The problem of the proletariat consists in inithe Bolsheviki, the Spartacans, and the Left Wing The old policy of our party must end, or it will ediately seizing the power of the state. This seizure groups of become a party for the betrayal of Socialism. We the power of state means the destruction of the state The Socialism which developed as an organizer must revolutionize the party. Ve muust squarely and paratus of the Bourgeoisie and the organization of new. proletarian apparatus of power.
movement after the collapse of the First International uncoinpromisingly align the party with the new Com3. This new proletarian state must embody the ctatorship of the proletariat, and in certain places adapted itself, which abandoned the desire to revolu The party must adopt new and more aggressive tacto the small peasants and farm this dictatorip constituting the instrument for the systematic Socialisin, representing the small bourgeoisie and the dictatorship. The task of the Left Wing is to cleanse erthrow of the exploiting classes and the means of aristocracy of labor, imbued with the national spirit. the party of moderate. petty bourgeois Socialism, to eir expropriation Not the fraudulent bourgeois democracy this hypopart of the natioral liberal reform movement, de align the party with the proletaria revolution in itical form of rule of the finance oligarchy with pending upon social reforinism and not the revolu Europe, to prepare our party for the world revolupurely formal equality, but the proletarian dento tionary struggle in order to realize Socialism and tion that is coming.
of Europe It is very one.
is callant An on shall Europe?