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THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE Saturday, March 22, 1919 Manifesto of the Left Wing Section of goud?
scientific parties pur; THE members of the Socialist Party are entitled to an explanation for the issuance of this pamphlet by the Left Wing Section.
We are a very active and growing section of the Socialist arty who are attempting to reach the rank and file with our urgent message over the heads of the powers that be, who, through inertia or a lack of vision, cannot see the necessity for a critical analysis of the party policies and tactics.
The official Socialist Party press is in the main closed to us; therefore, we cannot adequately present our side vi the case.
In the various discussions that arise wherever party memlxts or delegates assemble, both sides grow tou licated for calm dispassionate judgment Therefore we have decided to issue our Vanifesto and rogram in pamphlet form, so that the rank and tile may read and judge our casc on its merits.
Comrades and this is addresserl to members of the xirty the situation is such that a careful study of our position is absolutely imperative.
MANIFESTO rior to August, 1914, the nations of the world lived on a volcano. Violent cruptions from time to time Lave warning of the cataclysm to come, but the cliplomats and statesmen managed to localize the outbreaks, aml the masses, slightly aroused, sank back into their accustomed lethargy with doubts and misgivings, and the subterrancan tires continued to smoulder.
Many trusted blindly some in their statesmen, some in the cohesive power of Christianity, their common religion, and song in the growing strength of the international Socialist movenient. Ilad not the German Social Democracy exchanged dramatic telegrams with the lirench Socialist arty, cach pledging itself not 199 tight in case their governments declared war on each ether! general strike of workers led by these determinel Socialists would quickly bring the governments to their senses!
So the workers reasoned, until the thunder clap of Sirejevo and Austria ultimatun tv Serlvia. Then, suddenly declarations of war. in three or four days the storm brokc. Mobilization everywhere.
Jurope was in arms. The structure of society Capitalism with its pretensions to democracy on the one hand, and its commercial rivalries, armaments rings and standing armies on the other, all based on the exploitation of the working class and the division of the lout, was cast into the furnace of war. Two things only could issue forth: cither international capitalist control, through a Leagia of Xations, or Social Revolution and the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. Both of these forces are to lay contending for world power.
The Social Democracies of Europe, unable or unwilling to meet the crisis, were themselves hurled into the conflagaration, to be tempercil or consumed lyy it.
THE COLLAPSE OF THE SECOND INTERNATIONAL Circat demonstrations were licld in cvery European country by Socialists protesting against tlicir governments declarations of war, and mobilizations for war.
And we know that these deinonstrations were rendered impotent by the complete surrender of the Socialist jaarliamentary leaders and the official Socialist press, with their justifications of lefensive wars and the safeguarding of democracy.
Socialist leaders in the parliaments of the belligerents the sudden change of from? Why did the vote the war credils? Why did not Moderate Socialism carry out the policy of the Basle Manifesto, nane.
ly: the converting of an imperialistic war into a civil war into a proletarian revolution? Why «lid it cither openly favor the war or adopt a policy of pettybourgeois pacifism?
THE DEVELOPMENT OF MODERATE SOCIALISM In the latter part of the nineteenth century, the Social Democracies of Europe set out to legislate Capitalism out of office. The class struggle was to be won in the capitalist legislatures. Step by step concessions were to be wrested from the state; the working class and the Socialist considereform and were to be strength; legislation. cach concession ladder of Social Revolution, upon which thc workers climb sunny morning, the peoples would awaken to find the Cooperative Commonwealth functioning without disorder, confusion or hitch on the ruins of the capitalist state.
And what happened? When a few legislative seats had been secured, the thunderous denunciations of the Socialist legislators suddenly ceased. No more were the parliaments used as platforms from which the challenge of revolutionary Socialism was Alung to all FOREIVORD The Manifesto anel Program of the Left Wing Section of the Greater New York locals of the Socialist Party, printed in the Revolutionary Age of February was amended at a convention of the Left Wing held in New York City February 16. It was a mass convention of the membership with fraternal delegates from Local Boston and other locals. The final version of the Manifesto is printed herewith.
The convention also adopted two resolutions. One was a resolution endorsing The Revolutionary Age, which follows. Resolved, that the Revolutionary Age lie endorsed luy the Left Wing Section of New York. and that our Executive Committee take up the details of co oper: Ation with the management of The Revolutionary Age.
The other remlution was on the Amnesty Conven.
which is to meet We denounce the action of the party National Executive Committee in issuing a call for a so called amnesty convention in May, nx a substitute for an cinergency national convention and to baffle the will of the membership. This amnesty convention is to loc held by the party Ingether with reactionary Imur.
genis liheral organizations Hit this isstic, and all Dulier issues, must le acted upon on the hasis of the Sewialist class struggle. An emergency national con vention of the party is necessary. We repudiate the propuscol amnesty ennvention.
This manifesto has already leen accepicily numBoer of locals of the Socialist Party. Communications should be sent to the Executive Secretary Maximilian Cahen, 43 West 20 Street, New York, the corners of Europe. Another cra liad set in, the cra vi constructive social reform legislation. Dominant Moderate Socialism accepted the bourgeois stale as the basis of its action and strengthened but state. wer tu shape the policies and tactics of the Suialisi was entrusted to the parlizunentary leaders. And these lost sight of Socialism original puose; their goal became constructive reforms and cabinet portfolios the cooperation of classes, the policy of vjxnly or tacitly dcclaring that the coming of Socialism was a concern of all the classes, instead vi emphasizing the Marxian policy that the construction of the Socialist system is the task of the revolutionary proletariat alone. Moderate Socialism in the hands of these parliamentary leaders, was now ready to share resposibility with the bourgeoisic in the control of the capitalist stále, even to the extent of dcfending the bourgeoisie against the working classas in the first Briand Ministry in France, when the oflicial party press was opened to a defense of the shooting of striking railway workers at the order of the Socialist Bourgcois Coalition Cabinet. SAUSAGE SOCIALISM This situation was brought about by mixing tlic democratic cant of the ciglieenth century with scientific Socialism. The result was what Rosa Luxemburg called sausage Socialism. The Moderates emphasized petty bourgeois social reformism in order to atIract tradesmen, shop kcepers and members of the professions, and, of course, the latter Hocked 10 the Socialist movement in great numbers, sccking relief from the constant grinding between corporate capital and The Socialist organizations actively competed for votes, on the basis of social reforms, with the bourgeois liberal political partics. And so they catered to the ignorance and prejudiccs of the workers, trailing promises of immediate reforms for rutes.
Dominant Moderate Socialism forgot the beachings of the founders of scientific Socialism, furgonits vlute and advanced section of the working class parties and permitted the trade union chemicats he bourgeois and seli seeking its policies and tacties.
This was the condition in which the Social Deme.
cracies of Europe found themselves at the outbreak of war in 1914. Demoralized and coniused by the cross currents within their own parties, vacillating and compromising with the bourgeois state, they fell a prey to social patriotism and nationalism.
SPARTICIDES AND BOLSHEVIKI But revolutionary Socialism was not destined to lic inert for long. In Germany, Karl Liebknecht, Franz.
Ichring, Rosa Luxemburg and Otto Ruhle orgauizcil the Spartacus Group. But their voices were drowned in the roar of cannon and the shrick of the dying and thic maimed.
however, was to be the first battlc ground whicre moderate and revolutionary Socialism should come to grips for the mastery of the state. The breakdown of the corrupt, bureaucratic Czarist regime opened the flood gates of Revolution.
Three main contending parties attempted to ride into power on the revolutionary tide; the Cadets, the moderate Socialists (Mensheviki and Social Revolutionists. and the revolutionary Sucialists the Dolshe.
viki. The Cadets were first to be swept into power: but they tried to stem the still rising flood with a few abstract political ideals, and were soon carricd away.
The soldiers, workers and peasants could no longer be fooled by phrases. The Mensheviki and Social Revolutionaries succeeded the Cadets. And now came the crucial test: wold they, in accord with Marxian tcachings, niake themselves the ruling class and sweep away the old conditions or production, and thus prepare the way for the Cooperative Conmonwealth Or wold thuy tinker with the old machinery and try to ivist it on the masses as something just as They did the latter and proved for all time tritt modcrate Socialism cannot be trusted. Moderate Socialism was not prepared to seize the power for the workers during a revolution. Moderate Socialism had a rigid formula constructive social reform legislation within the capitalist state and 10 that formula it clung. It believed that bourgeois democracy could be used as a means of constructing the Socialist system; llicrefore, it must wait until the people, through a Constituent Assembly, shoull vote that there must be established a Government of Coalithe means of controlling public opinion in the hands of mwilles de enemy; the Bourgeoisie. Is ii, with all the bourgcoisie, a Constituent Assembly could or would ever vote the Socialists into power!
Revolutionary Socialists hold, with the founders of Socialism, that there are two dominant classcs in society tic bourgeoisie and the proletariat; tluit between these two classes at struggle must go on, until the working class, through the seizure wi the instrui.
tents of production and distribut. on, the alwlition of the capitalist state, and the establishment of alw dietiltorship of the proletariat, create, Socialist system.
Revolutionary Socialists do not believe that they can be voted into power. They struggle for the curiquest of power by the revolutionary proletariat. Then comes the transition period from Capitalismi to Socialism, of which Marx speaks in his Critique of the collu Prvgram when lic says: lietween the capitalistie society und the communistic, lies the period of the revolutionary transformation of tlic one into the other. This corresponds to a political transition periool, in which of the proletaria. anything else but tluc dictatorship. Marx and Engels clearly explained the imetion of the Socialist movement. It is the moderate Socialists through intellectual gymnasties, evasions, misquotations and the tearing of sentences and phrases from their context, who make Marx and Engels sponsor for their perverted version of Socialism.
PROBLEMS OF AMERICAN SOCIALISM At the present moment, the Socialist larty of America is agitated by several cross currents, some local in their character, and some a reflex of cleavages within the luropean Socialist movements. Many see in tliis internal dissention merely an unimportani dii.
ference of opinion, or at most, dissatisfaction with the control of the party, and the desire to replace those who have misused it it with better men.
We, however, maintain that there is a fundamental distinction in views concerning party policies and tactics. And we believe that this difference is so vast that from our standpoint a radical change in party policies This essential task is being sliriked by our party leaders and officials generally Already there is formidable industrial unrest. Seething ferment of discontent, evidenced by inarticulille rumblings which presage striking occurrences. The transformation of industry from a war to a peace basis has thoroughly disorganized the economic strueture. Thousands upon thousands of workers are being thrown out of work.
Demobilizer sokliers.
ors find themselves urm the labor market.
unless.
fighting desperately to maintain their warwage aul their industrial status, are forced to strike during the war have been welcomed into industries hitherto closed to them, are struggling to keep their jobs. And to cap the climax, the capitalists.
through their Chambers of Commerce and their Merchants and Manufacturers Associations, lave take advantage of the site situation 10 break down even the inadequate organizations labo labor las built up, through generations of The temper of the workers and soldiers, after the sacrifices they have made in the war, such that they will not endure the reactionary labor conditions, so openly advocated by the master class. series of labor struggles is bound to follow indeed, is beginning now.
Shall the Socialist Party continue to feed the workers with social reform legislation at this critical period?
Shall it approach the whole question froin the standpoint of votes and the election of representatives to the legislatures? Shall it cmphasize the consumers point of view, when Socialist principles teach that the worker is robbed at the point of production? Shall it talk about to and sail Skilled resolved to eneil by means of in the Russia, step by