THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE Saturday, February 1, 1919 The Communist Party of Germany Bolshevilke erf volhe o Germanyomelves interesting in No. 229 of the Moscow Pravda, Karl Radek, the before the war they could not convince the labor spite of their criticism of the centrists, at the final masses of the menace of Imperialism and of the ne vote acted together with them.
formation about the disorganization of the German So cessity of revolutionary struggle. But they have cre The arrest of Liebknecht, who was opposed to this cial Democracy during the war and about the revolu ated a group of workers who at the moment of the indecisive policy, who demanded relentless separation tionary elements which formed about the end of last most distressing disappointment clearly saw ahead of from the centrists, increased the influence of the right year the Spartacus party.
them the road of the struggle, understood the causes part of the Communists, who, being opposed to a Radek points out that even before the war German of the collapse and knew the way out of it. Already separation from the centrists, could not give a clear Marxism divided into two groups: the so called at the end of August, 1914, the Berlin left radicals slogan for a split in the German Social Democracy.
centre, led by Kautsky, Hilferding, Ekstein, Haaze as well as the Bremen and Hamburg groups had be But in spite of its tactical mistakes the group Inand Ledebour; and the so called left radicals, led by come active.
ternational in all open acts functioned as the most Knief, Rosa Luxemburg, Pannecuk, Talheimer, West Liebknecht vote against war credits on November resolute factor. This group was at the head of the meier and Zetkin.
21, 1914, was the first open call addressed to the labor masses as soon as food riots, strikes and politHowever, the line which divided the centre and the masses. The workers hardly moved, and the centre ical demonstrations began. And during this struggle left of the German Social Democracy before the war party tried to suppress every movement, claiming this group fell under the influence of the consistent was not clear to the other sections of the Internationthat it was premature and pointing out the danger of propaganda of the Bremen Arbeiter Politik.
ale. Many were of the opinion that there really were a split. Liebknecht action was taken by the centre Nevertheless, the desire not to break with the Inno serious differences on principles between the centre as a slap directed at it. The centre tried to compro dependents still won in the group International, and the left. Many comrades thought that the left mise Liebknecht in the eyes of the masses, describing although in the secret letters to its organizations the are going too far in their attacks on the centre.
him as a selfish man who wants to be in the limelight. group speaks of the unity with the pacifist centrists But the masses of workers understood the significance But then the war broke out and the majority of as a temporary necessity, in view of the fact that the of the act of November 21 and began to close their the German Social Democracy openly deserted to Ger ranks around Karl Liebknecht. The Bremen group legal standing. The participation of the Spartacus group existed illegally, while the centrists had some man Imperialism, covering up the attack of German carried on in the Bremen Burger Zeitung not only a Imperialism by the slogan of national defense. Nine militant policy with regard to current events, but ingroup in the Independent party forced out the radical tenths of the parliamentary representatives of the elements united around the Arbeiter Politik.
so called centre were among the traitors. handful terpreted the theoretical bankruptcy of the InternaThe conference of the Spartacus group which was tionale and other events, in spite of the opposition of remained formally true to the old principles, but in held in the middle of October last decided to separate the centre and the strict censorship. The small Licht reality they did not oppose Imperialism, defending Strahlen carried on a persistent struggle for revolufrom the Independents and to unite all left Socialist their policy by the necessity of saving the unity of the tionary Marxism.
organizations into a Communist party, the Spartacus party, although unity with betrayers of Socialism is party.
nothing else than treason. Ile German Social De The German disconnected groups found a centre The German Communists began their existence as mocracy failed, and with it failed the centre, whose abroad in the Berner Tagewacht which gets all the a united party. They had a sufficient number of political leader, deputy Haaze, read on the 4th of Au news of the German movement. In May, 1915, Lieb leaders comprehending theoretically the world situagust the famous declaration in the Reichstag about knecht group managed to publish The International, tion and they had a sufficient number of splendid and the defense of the fatherland. And the ideological whose appearance marked the end of the first period advanced workers who had become hardened in the leader of the centre, Kautsky, in his first message to of the Communistic Party of Germany.
illegal struggle of four years.
the workers after this collapse of German Socialism The Zimmerwald conference, however, shows that In the Communist Party of Germany we salute an found only words of justification for what had hapit was easier to plan correct theoretical tactics than organization with which the Russian Communists are pened and urged unity.
to actually carry them out. The masses were awaken bound by common aims, common views and by the Precisely at this time it became clear that the ing, but did not yet act, and the centrist were there decision to help one another. From the ranks of this work of the left radicals and their struggle against fore, still dominant. The delegation of the Inter Communist party will in the future come the leaders the decayed Kautskianism was not in vain, although national group at the Zimmerwald conference, in of the German labor state.
The Left Wing in the American Socialist Party. in By Nicholas Hourwich riat have dealt an especially strong blow at the dominan epoch of the breaking up and destruction united in the social democratic parties, stand now ation of the bourgeoisie, the split between the left of everything old, old foundations and forms of life, arrayed against each other on opposite sides of the and the right phalanxes of the at one time united old conceptions and principles. has not spared the barricades, arms in hands, one part defending the Socialist parties has reached the stage of open war: old Socialist parties.
revolutionary gains already obtained by the proletariat is deeply significant. This fact destroys the fetish The war and the consequent revolutionary events and clearing, as it were, the road to further victo that a united Socialist Party was the all important have proved to be that acid test at which the former ries over world Imperialism; while the others necessity and on the contrary proves that such an unity of the Socialist parties has been broken, and function in the inglorious and shameless role of the unlawful union of elements fundamentally different those social elements and groups which so recently defenders of Imperialism and the bourgeoisie. united party is the chief weakeness of the Socialist movement and is a continual burden on the were observed to live peacefully and in solidarity And, precisely the fact, that in. he two countries revolutionary wing of the party. The split in the under one Socialistic roof, under the guise of a comwhere the revolution is in action, where the proletamon Socialist name, are found to be now in different, Socialist parties of Russia and Germany, did not and at times, opposing camps.
weaken, but on the contrary, strengthened the left On one hand, to the left Socialist camp have gone To Karl Liebknecht and wing and made it capable of revolutionary actions.
The same applies to the other Socialist parties.
those real revolutionary elements which during the Rosa Luxemburg long years of preliminary peaceful activity have The war has dealt the first mighty blow at the not lost their proletarian banners, for whom the great By Maximilian Cohen structure of the Second International. Now before principles and slogans, which know no compromises the social builders and architects of the future lies They slew you in their beastly rage, or reconciliations in the struggle of the working the hard, but nevertheless inevitable, task of completBecause you dared the struggle wage class for the ultimate emancipation, have not changed ing the process of destruction and building upon the into a decorative adjutant without any With tyrants and with traitors too ruins the former and more stable structure of the practical significance. On the other hand, to the right, The traitors feared and so they slew.
Third International.
were found those traitors to Socialism who have gone Deluded knaves! Your lifeless tongues The same task lies before the American Socialist over to serve the bourgeoisie, who for the pottage of More potent now in martyr songs Party, and as the first step towards the realizatior of imaginary fleeting successes and gains sold out the Will trumpet forth the truth until, this task heartily greet the creation within its ratos birth right of the ultimate aspirations and aims of The very earth will rock and thrill the bearer of the revolutionary message the left wing the working class, who concluded a civil peace with of the party.
And thrones and states will crash and fallthe bourgeoisie thereby declaring war against the working class.
And labor triumphs over all.
The timely creation of this wing and its successful growth will be the guarantee that at the proper moThis process of internal decomposition which inement the party will be enabled to reach the accompvitably leads, and in many cases has already brought So comrades sleep your work is done; lishment of the task imposed upon it by history and about an open split, touched all Socialist parties withwill not be tied hand and foot by the old, rust eaten Sleep on! The battle will be won.
out exception. In Russia and Germany, for instance, opportuniam or the collaboration of elements which the elements thus split, elements which had hitherto are no longer Socialist.
sense or