BolshevismBourgeoisieCivil WarDemocracyMarxRussian RevolutionSocial DemocracySocialismStrikeWorkers MovementWorking Class

THE REVOLUTIONARY AGL Saturday, January 18, 1919 ary, 1918, ready in 1917.
11 the was when this be Criticism of the Finnish Revolution THE proletarian revolution is at all times self By Kuusinen rezolution, the outbreak of which was a westion of but critical, says Marx. Our partakers have, indeed, Translated by Oksanen a very short time. The Kerensky provisional govern a reason to intelligently aid this self criticism without This self criticism first appeared in a revolutionary ment tottered like a twig in the storm. The Bolskeattempting to withdraw from activities of our early publication published in Petrograd, Russia. Since its rist strength grew like a thunder cloud.
The Finnish Revolution had its beginning in Janufirst appearance it has attracted much attention. For Our social democrats, who should have used their many years Kuusinen has been recognised as an strength in preparing for the revolution, waited peace, but its fundamental errors originated al intelligent and uncompromising representative of scien fully for a sessoin of the Diet. In November was in.
tific social democracy. For seven years he has been troduced a provision by which the Nation highest In the same manner as the war surprised the mathe Social Democratic party leader in the Finnish Diet; power would be entrusted into the hands of a threejority of the Socialist Parties of the great European he has lectured at the Workers College in Helsing man committee, but they did not dare pass this pro nations keeping them rom performing their historic fors. The European organised labor knows him bevision. At the same time they were negotiating an duty, so the Russian Revolution of 1917 surprised the Social Democrats of Finland. The freedom in the cause of his activity in the labor movemnt. When agreement with the Russian Provisional Government summer of 1918, the Bolsheviki established for an equal distr. bution of power, and the Kerensky spring came to us like a flash from heaven, and our Workers Academy of Science in Moscow, they put Governor General, Nekrasov, departed for Petrograd party was overcome by the events in March.
Kutinen on the faculty. Being directly connected for a signature to the compromise.
The official stand of our party was the same in with the Civil War in Finland, and being thoroughly He did not return to Helsingfors. Under the leaddependent class struggle stand as the German Social acquainted with the course of action of the Russian ership of the Bolsheviki, the Russian proletariat overDemocrats had before the war. During the period of Bolsheviki, Kuusinen has observed that revolution threw the power of the bourgeoisie and their tools and cannot be brought on by political action e. by the saber de decor took the leadership into their own hands. The godnot then under severe test, nor the conservatactics of Social Democracy. It is certain that Ame dess of revolution just then passed over our own native Socialist then get wind into its sails. But in rican Labor has much to learn from the experience tion. We did not step into her chariot, but bowed March our party met temptation and failure. In fact, of the proletariat of Finland, and the valuable advice down and allowed her to fly over us. Then we joined Out social democrats became corrupted with the bourut: given by Kuusinen.
geoisie the beginning with that Could a revolution at this time lead to any victory in Russia (among the seducers were also the Russian Finland? This is a different question from that Mensheziki. The Coalition Senate of Finland was forced. The Coalition government generally did could the proletarian revolution then have been a victhe hot bed for this immoral afiliation. In March, nothing. It was like a lasy bull, the Socialist pilling tory, directly, as in Russia? The former question, by the horns and the bourgeoisie by the tail, thus of the concorruption occurredondo half of the members him immovable. The exploitation flourished then.
to me, appears possible, the latter, impossible, now as opposed the sed the uniting and only the conservative Horacefully.
the front The general advantages of a revolution, surely, were ot fhe rest of us was so passive that it Soon the hungry workers entirely lost their faith in not hopeless. The enthusiasm and desire for light of it did not interfere in the least with our co operation with those Socialists the coalition government and in the leadership of the the proletariat was at that time high pitched. The were specially busying themselves with the Fin social dmocrats. In Helsingfors the aggravated work bourgeoisie were comparatively little prepared, it was nish and Russian lords. And it was very typical that ers endeavored to search the butter warehouses and not a delegate at our June convention where, by the to distribute the butter, late in the summer a general cure them from Germay. Truly, the proletariat lacked we joined the Zimmerwald alliance. voted to strike broke out in the city, lasting for two days, when arms. We were able to borrow a few hundred rifles way, secede from the Socialists of the Coalition governit was ended by organized labor. The pressure be from the Russian soldiers stationed at Helsingforsment.
came so great that it seemed to interfere with our these are the only weapons worth mentioning. We That which blinded us was primarily the mirage of parliamentarism. This was democracy in would have, however, been able in a great need to a parliamentary democracy. If the one housed reprebringing the class struggle to a climax. But we, the have got some more rifies from the Russian comrades.
sentation, the relative election methods, and the genrepresentatives of the social democrats, did not see What would have been more important, the Russian eral ballot had not risted, and if our party had not re democracy in reality, but simply its hazy mirage.
soldiers could have given the revolution greater supceived the majority at the polls in the summer of 1916, This visionary mirage received its first knock from port then than during the winter when the break in then probably it would have been a little easier for 15 the Russian army and navy was the greatest. It must to prepare ourselves for the spring torture. But now gardless of the stiff opposition by the bourgeois mi granted that there were some among the Russian the way of parliamentary, democracy seemed clear, nority, the Diet had adopted the Russian Working soldiers who would not have supported the revolution.
smooth and open for the labor movement. The tourmen and Soldiers Council methods for the procedure Before these signs of the times, we, social demogeoisie of our country had no army, not even dependin the Nation highest tribunal. From Petrograd crats, who stood for class war, swayed from one stand able nor could it legally get this, for in so a semi official Mensheviki delegation arrived to curb supporting the revolution, now reThe conservative Socialists, numbering the accepting of this so called law of force; but it would need the approval of the social democrats in the parliament. The social democrats seemed they arrived too late. Then, during the latter part about a half of our party, divided, half favoring the to every reason to obstruct parliamentary of July, the Provisional Government dissolved the Diet revolution, half opposing it. majority of the social and ity for in this position they would reap one benefit new election was held. Our social democrats democrats in the Diet opposed the revolutionary efafter another.
twice tried to continue the sessions of the dispersed forts in such a manner that it might be they said that they are The vision of a parliamentary democracy, admired in all its glory, was not shadowed by anything but the door; the second time only the seal of the Kerensky conservative Socialist leaders of the trades organiza temporary tottering hand of the Russian government.
party was there; the session was held, but only the tions, on the other hand, desired to carry on some social democrats took part.
sort of revolutionary strike, the chief purpose was to The bourgeoisie of Finland grasped it as a drowning man grasps a straw. The social democrats wished to Our party did not refuse to take part in the new elec get the majority of seats in the government and the senate. With them our committee formed a revolucast this parliamentary form of government tions held the first of October. Because of the apaside, or parent increase in the votes, our party lost the mationary central council, which, especially when at least to fence it up within the secure boundary of were added to it social democrats who took the legality, so not to permit jority place in the Diet. The greatest assistance to the of opposition, could talk of a revolution, but could ternal affairs of the country, that is, to defend the ad bourgeoisie was the ballot box stuffing. Immediate not take active part in the revolution. This commitvantages of the bourgeoisie of Finland. Thus our ly after the election newspapers commenced to report tee in the beginning decided to support the declaration effort in behalf of Finnish independence, our patriotincidents where certain localities had more votes cast of a general strike. At the trades organization conism, appeared most beautiful fundamentally; it, sure than there were voters in that district. Here and there ly, was a direct fight for democracy; it was the orin the possession of the chairmen of the cloction revolution or simply a demonstration to emphasize the vention, a general strike was declared. Did this mean ganic part of our proletarian class struggle.
boards could be found ballots cast in favor of the demands of the general strike? Everyone could draw social democrats. By mutual alliance the bourgeoisie his own conclusion as to this, for it was left undecided The treachery of our parliamentary delusion was also won a few seats in the Diet. But besides this because there was disagreement as to it.
further augmented by the results of legislation durmust also be kept in mind that the discouragement Che general strike spreading, the question arose ing the summer. From the eight hour workday law of the proletariat, with the results of parliamentarism, about its carrying on. We, vainly called Marxians, we succeeded in going to such an extent that no par also had effect on the election returns. The power opposed furtherance. Without us the trades orpassed for the democratizing of the municipal governs weakening of the result of our work in the Diet, and the Diet, the indefiniteness, delay and the ganization the then revolutionists would not start out. Because we, the middle social democrats, failed also the depreciation of the political activity of the to take part in this revolution, we remained in the monopolized power of the capitalists to a general social democrats in the wake of the Coalition same position we had been for years. We were social representation greater step than has been made anywhere through legislation at one time. It was very ment, surely, lessened the enthusiasm for the election democrats and not Marxians. Our social democratic were not attained rather than increasd it, as was expected in such a high stand was first, the peaceful, gradual and not the revsolely through the action of the Diet, but an outside gale forced them out from the hidden shoals of ary, democratic illusion thus received another blow, time a stand independent of the bourgeoisie alliance.
liamentarism. This gale appeared in the form of a not only from a stimulus originating on the outside, Both of these together determined our procedure.
First, we lacked faith in a revolution, we did not demass demonstration with unusually violent spirit primarily because of Now the current of history flowed toward the first pend on it, nor did we strive for it. This wswally is the participation of the Russian whirlpool. As might be well guessed the bourgeoisie, the common characteristic of the social democrats.
soldier comrades. This was nothing new to us, for at once, lised the advantage got in the election to Social democrarcy, chiefly, is just that kind of lowe have frequently explained that the best results the dictatorial power and to subject the Diet bor movement, which organises and develops the workcan be obtained from parliamentarism when the peoers in the lines of bourgeois (parliamentary) class under this ple of the outside begin to bring pressure to bear. The working class again had lost all its hope for ism, which, to a certain degree, determines the true or war. Its program, truly, has the same aim as SocialAdverse consequence of the result of parliamentary aid from the Diet and was consciously or unconscious. the so called nearest direction of the program of the democracy was the fact that flourishing exploitation ly tending towards a revolution. The Coalition goe social democrats. Brut in the main this is there as a in the foodstuf market could not be checked. This ernment had already broken up before the elections. Utopian embellishment, for the reason that Socialism indicated that the greater parliamentary achievements Nothing could prevent the class struggle from becom can never exist as a bourgeois state in whose borders were achievements only on paper. We were able to ing furious.
the useful activity of the social democrats limited.
drot up a bill and make it a law; but here the check The atmosphere in Finland indicated that Russia That means, which is historically inevitable, of getting ing of the exploitation ceased, the law was not en was progressing towards a new and a more profound from a bourgeois to a socialistic society, the relevant to police; fraining another, how have legal there stand usurp dictatorship.