WMYorkwt The Pink Terror The Abortive Massacre of the 3d 5th and l0th HERE had been rumors that the Pink Dictator of Local New York was marshalling his Cohorts for a descent upon the 3d, 5th and 10th The assault was delayed, however, until there was a reasonable certainty of the absence of Jim Larkin and the Irish contingent, who, not being very well versed in parliamentary law, might wholly misunderstand the proceedings; and imagining that something illegal was going on, might impulsively vote against it in their nationalistic way.
The opportunity arrived. It was learned by Gerber spies that on Monday, May 12th, there would be a memorial meeting to James Connolly at Bryant Hall, which the Irish Comrades would attend.
On May 10th, therefore, a chosen few members of the 3d, 51h and 10th received the customary billet»doux from Gerber, so familiar to all the faithful.
At the appointed time on Monday evening, May 12th, a little group of Comrades, with pale but determined faces, left the headquarters of the Branch and proceeded down Broadway. Past the great Victory Arch at Fifth Avenue and 26th Street, with Murmansk sculptured on its side, went the brave little band, thrilling with inverted pride to think that this great monument to the invasion of Russia had been erected with money voted by Socialist aldermen.
No. West 2lst Street was a low, evil looking building; upon the steps lounged half a dozen pluguglies, who glowered upon our Comrades as they passed. The building was the headquarters of Cloak and Suit Cutters Union No. 10. As far as could be determined, most of the Union members seemed to be hanging around the corridors.
Upstairs in a low, evil looking room sat Charley Grossman at a table. He looked up in surprise as the comrades entered; evidently they had arrived earlier than was expected; for having looked over the aggregation, Grossman went to the door and shouted down stairs, What the matter with you fellows? Didn I say not to let anybody in without a letter. semi comrade by the name of Fuchs then placed himself at the door. When asked if he were a member of he 3d, 5th and 101b, as specified in the letter, he said defiantly that he was not, but would come in if he pleased.
Grossman asked the Comrades to walk up to his table and answer a few questions. Do you believe in an organization within an organization? he asked.
One innocent Comrade responded firmly, No. think The Call should be controlled by the Party!
Crossman immediately noted on his list Member of the Left Wing. Upon his demand to the Comrades to give up their cards, only one Comrade complied and she demanded it back shortly afterward. At the end, of the evening Grossman list contained about thirty names, with the monotonous comment after all but two, Refuses to give up card.
Refuses to answer questions.
Comrade Brahdy kept advising the Comrades in a loud voice to pay no attention to Grossman. This finally irriated Crossman to such a degree that after ordering Brahdy to leave the room, he finally summoned Fuchs, and said loudly, Run downstairs to the Cloak Cutters and bring somebody up here to clear this room of people we don want here!
In a few moments a procession of sinister looking individuals with cauliflower ears filed in. Questioned as to whether they were members of the 3d, 5th and IOth, they evasively said that they belonged to the Party. Shortly afterward Beckerman and Potter appeared, followed by the strong arm squad from the 6th Branch. Asked when the meeting would begin, Beckerman stated that it would begin when the Executive Committee delegates decided to begin it.
The meeting having been called for 15 and there being evidently no intention on the part of the Oligrachy to open the proceedings, at 30 Comrade Brophy, organizer of the Branch, rapped for order and proposed that, since the Executive Committee refused to call the meeting, the Branch declare itself in session.
Comrade Brahdy was eleced chairman, and Comrade Coles secretary. Comrade Reed then proposed as the order of business that the delegates of the Executive Committee present he asked to state their reasons for summoning this meeting.
Beckerman replied that until the registration was completed, the delegates of the Executive Committee refused to make any statement. Comrade Reed then proposed that, provided the registration take place in the room, the meeting be suspended until it was completed. Whereupon Beckerman announced that he had changed his mind, and that the registration would be carried on in another room, and the meeting would be called when he felt like it.
Comrade Brahdy was elected chairman, and Comformally demand from the Executive Committee delegates their purpose in calling the meeting, and if they refused to state it, that the meeting adjourn until the regular Branch meeting on Wednesday, May 14th. This motion was voted on by roll call, twenty seven being in favor and three against.
In the name of the Branch, therefore, Comrade Brahdy formally demanded from Beckerman that he state the purpose of the Executive Committee in calling the meeting. Beckermau flatly refused.
The Chair then announced that since there was no business before the meeting, it should stand adjourned. Whereupon the Comrades left the hall.
The mercenaries of the Executive Committee, having failed in their reorganization scheme, determined that a more careful choice of Comrades must be made for the next meeting. Accordingly letters were again sent out, and this time two and a half Comrades gathered in the safe precincts of the Rand School on Friday evening, May 16th.
To date the proceedings have not been divulged.
But we understand that the 3d, 5th and 10th Branch has been bloodlessly reorganized.
More. The only peaceful way to reorganize a Branch is not to tell the members.
The Party Congressional Platform (Continued from page 3)
pics, and want an adequate. representation of labor. We are afraid that it will not have enough power to move against Russia, and hence we demandrlegislative and administrative, as well as judicial functions. We demand an international regulation of the hours of labor, thus giving the League an added pretext for interfering in labor disputes. We believe that under Capitalism peace and disarmament are possible, Marx and Engels to the contrary notwithstanding. We worry about a uniform monetary system (and, to phraLc it inelegantly, we feel sure that that will put the proletariat ten ahead. We even discuss colonization and foreign investment, telling the League how to manage these two pesky matters, and then exhort the working classes of all nations to perceive the necessity of seeking continually and aggressively (as in the present platform) to secure control of their respective governmeiits to the end. To what end?
Why to the end that these policies (the League, disarmament, the universal monetary system, etc. be oiiicially adopted by all the nations concerned.
Heaven forbid that they should secure control of their respective governments for any other purq oses!
The Platform speaks of the historic mission of the Socialist Party of the United States to prepare the workers of America to take part in the new fraternity of labor. And trust will be pardoned for once more dragging in the antiquated Marx, who once said. And to what does the party reduce its interna tionalism? To the consciousness that the result of its eflorts will be the international fraternization of peoples a phrase borrowed from the bourgeois league of peace and freedom which is supposed to pass for the equivalent of the international fraternization of the working classes in their common struggle against the ruling classes and their governments. CONCLUSION.
And now for the two paragraphs headed Conclusion. Here we find the theoretical part of the program. It begins favorably. We warn the masses (the first time we have noticed them) that the above program (twenty three pages of it) has reference to a dying social order. We cheerfully announce that our reconstruction program is designed to assist in the passing of this bankrupt system of capitalism. complete transformation is necessary. Anything short of this complete transformation will lead to another world tragedy (and of course that all we are aiming to avoid. But what complete transformation? Ah, here it is inext to the last sentenc e. The main struggle of the masses is to secure control of these basic institutions (which. and this requires an education of the people to the necessity of such control.
But class consciousness? Why that all concen trated in the last sentence, which rhetoricians assure us is the most effective and emphatic place in a whole platform or essay. Here it is note the class lines In this work of education we invite the cooperation of all who recognize the opportunities for rebuilding the world on a basis of equity, democracy and fraternity for all. Whatever that may mean.
Using the Against The Left Wing HE SOCIALIST for May 13th reprints an article from the paper, One Big Union, attacking an article in The Revolutionary Age in particular, and the principles of the Left Wing in general.
This is precisely the same tactic employed by the New York World to discredit the Russian Soviet overnment by means of the dispatches of Bob Minor, the anarchist.
The Right Wing has no more sympathy with the than The World has with Anarchism, or with Bob Minor in particular, who was forced to leave The World because of his radical opinions.
We shall not at this time take the opportunity to answer the article itself, but from a careful reading of it we are driven to wonder whether, after all, there may not be a difference between Wism and Socialism more profound than we dreamed of for after all, we did not imagine that in fundamentals we of the Left Wing were so very far away from the revolutionary Says the article in one place (italics ours. Besides, why should we be in such a hurry to imitate the Bolsheviks? What have they done that should make us jump off our track and follow their lead? They have overthrown autocracy and estab lished political democracy far the proletariat. Political democracy has existed in this country for a long time We do not have to make a revolution to get it. If we want the political power, control of the parliamentary state, all we have to do is to you ourselves into power.
Is this really the conception of the Russian Soviet Government, of the Proletarian Dicta torship? Is this really the conception of political action?
Workers Council The recent conference of the Workers Council of the Waist and Dress Industry indicates a healthy move on the part of a section of New York workers, toward industrial democracy.
What was only a few weeks ago estimated at a mere handful of persecuted workers, libelled and misrepresented by the yellow and so called radical sheets alike, miraculously flourished at this conference to the proportions of over fourteen thousand (half the recognized industry) represented by 320 delegates democratically elected in the various workshops.
At the conclusion of a two day sitting, the following manifesto was unanimously adopted: MANIFESTO. We, 320 Shop delegates of the Waist and Dress Industry at a Conference held at the People House, E. 15th Street, New York City, May 3rd and 4th, 1919, realize that Trade Unions, instead of bringing about class consciousness and solidarity among the workers and uniting them against their exploiters, break them into craft groups and thereby weaken them and serve the interests of the employing class.
We also realize that our emancipation from life long drudgery depends entirely upon our solidarity and class consciousness. We, therefore, proclaim to all the workers of the Waistand Dress Industry the inauguration of Workers Council. The Workers Council sets out to educate and organize the workers along class conscious and industrial lines; to break the corrupt and demoralizing influence of craft union officialdom; to have the workers ready to go on with production when the time comes for them to take over the industries. We urge the workers in each shop. to elect shop committees which shall adjust all grievances between the workers and their employers. These shop committees shall meet in general conferences to adjust problems concerning the env tire industry. The time has come when the workers must prepare to take charge of the industries. We, therefore, call on the workers in every industry to take matters into their own hands, form Workers Councils, and manifest their allegiance to the rising solidarity of the Workers the World over.
The shop committees are self autonomous, but are joined in an Indusnial Federation for matters pertaining to the industry at large.