TUESDAY, JUNE 27, 1939 SOCIALIST APPEAL Convention Problems of the Socialist Workers Party Under Discussion On Translating the Party Methods. Program of Action Program Into Practice confidence in their own power paigns of the past. All these are drive directly upon the govern ever, the idea that the initia radio addresses, and above all but rather in the sense of sue etc. is woeful and shows the gles of the workers; let our proentation rests, however, on the gearing of the party to bills, including the 20 billion finances of the party are de imperative obligation upon the litical Resolution. We are con. Chion Work, and Transitional leftward moving workers who adequacy of our present meth program of action on a national dollar public works and the 30 pendent upon the initiation of national leadership.
tasks. We too must stream line tion which can illuminate the the popular referendum on war. spiring our members and sym al fresh blood must be infused which will strip it of any Iner aiscrepancy between program with its position of defeatism, the effectiveness of this type of party. On the contrary, given our leadership in the past. activity. Our campaign, how the specific Incentives, as the From the ranks, the party ever, would be based on class Twice. Week Appeal and In must now exact the highest disstruggle methods.
ternational Aid campaigns cipline, responsibility and acThe Way To Do It demonstrated, our party has tivity. We cannot tolerate laxThe manner in which such shown remarkable capacities ness in dues payments, neglect legislative campaign might be for sacrifice and endeavor.
of assignments, tardiness and Overhauling Leadership absence, disorderly conduct of Statement by Ohio Michigan party takes on the protective on war and the defense of civil conducted is as follows: To save the Twice a week party functions and affairs.
District Committee coloration of the masses. liberties.
bills shall be immediately Appeal and realize a daily pa. Above all, we cannot tolerate Angeles comrades: Steve Rob. trade union question. Three wellof Los out even one pamphlet on the formulated Submitted by a group The collapse of the New Deal This requires of our party, in Aragon, Minna relarmci programe signifies the entiset periode especially, an en. In other words, we organize drafted covering the three cen les partiya bilhan tile financeset further the notion of first and Angeles. com Everett, Such a perspective has led us cisely is a course of action who can do the work and take Edith Mann, Max incapacity of the capitalist sys ergetic and open approach to the fight against imperialist tral points of our program. The party shall then com which will lift the entire party the risks, and those who exHeinert.
up a blind alley. World shaking (Continued from last Issue) events, the defeats of the prowithin the cratic order and by internal roots in the masses will we be but by directly inciting the in campaign, locally and national must be a program which can able personal reasons, from wis thoroughly discussed and other countries, the MOSCOW present demogree that our influence grows remote theoretical plane. mence an intensive agitational out of the rut and routine. It empt themselves, for innumer!
The Transitional Program letariat in Germany. Spain and measures alone.
The ruling class in America sions of the early war period. Ble and by compelling the pro. luminating and describing them the limitations and uncertain Comrades of the latter stripe it has suffered the fate of all and books like Gide have able to withstand the repres tensification of the class strugly, to popularize these bills. be conducted independently of sticking their necks out. passed by the party. To date Trials, and countless articles 18 confronted with but two al. second attitude, paralyzing war forces, fascists and sola from every angle.
be Every possible medium of ment, as a direct approach to that a revolutionary Marxist other resolutions and programs caused thousands of workers te les na dies expensextgenuinely that which says, In this period roles in openly aligning them propaganda, including the rathe masses on the one hand, party is no Sunday school. Who dielile de partena Thecticadershto break with the But in.
ameliowative concessions to the or reaction, the masses are un selves against the masses on dio, must be utilized for this and on the other as a means of ever joins us does so with fun litede disenos idirectivelse wat stead of coming to us the overan open regime of repression tinue to nurse our slender cannot immediately compre phlets, explaining each bill. well as within, bond of sym ties and risks involved. We are would have led to ways and the radical movement. We did initiate discussions in the vari: whelming majoritys the camere disillusioned with and military adventures. Hav cadres. This reflects a com hend the full implications of must be issued. In addition, all pathy between us and the union determined to be Party of Ac means tion. Whoever shuns such ac gram.
ing abandoned even the pre pletely false estimate of the ac fascism, nevertheless will fight local branches are to center ranks.
of applying the pro not attract them because they The successful conduct of tlon signifies his desire to be We would like to give life to what they considered merely were not interested in joining tence of the former with the tually high receptivity of the the fascists as enemies who op their activities and propaganda break down of the New Deal, masses. The American labor pose the fulfillment of his spe around this campaign. this campaign at once implies quit of the party.
one of the most important en anti sect. They were inOrganizational Needs the ruling class drives with all movement is largely intact and cific, if limited, aspirations. After a sufficient ground the overhauling of the entire haste toward the latter, that is. has suffered no real defeats, This conception is particular work of popularization has been party apparatus in accordance The organizational implemen points in the Transitional Pro terested in organizing the gram, that of Expropriating American Imperialist War and Fascism. Its militancy is unimpaired, as Iy vital to the realization of laid, the party shall then initi with maximum efficiency and tation of this program, among the 60 Families. and suggest when we appeared through our working class and shown by the recent Briggs that paramount slogan of our ate a campaign of direct ac results. This must start with other things, requires the fol the following: Waiting for Events activity and propaganda to be Agitation for the introduc unconcerned in the main with For the revolutionary social. Ble of the coal miners, fense Guards So long immediate as commissions and state legisla carry through to the smallest An ists, impeded by the monumenRoutine Inadequate many workers believe the fas tures for endorsement of these branch.
joint organizational and press tion of ball in Congress calling this problem, they were loath tal betrayals of the Second and cists to be primarily concerned bills. Picket lines, mass delega: The national leadership is refund must be raised. This fund basic industries. es Third Internationals and the Today, 10 less than year with reds and Jews. they tions and demonstrations shali quired to give to the lower is merely for the initiation of Demand that govern Those who are interested in mesultent ebenwil deement of the Transitional program, we must organized defense for them aa pointing towarde al possible and most explicit directives. In tion, which once started shoula ment instead of pouring sunda leadership will readily accuse for our capacity to keep pace the sense that we still must im will they appreciate the need tion to Washington. As a sup. now become in the eyes of the finances.
This fund. Should be fits of those in control, immedi. Such accusations are dishonest plement and carry out this pro for defense against fascist re plement, but not substitute for action of our party and pro an increased staff of foll time take these over subject to trade do not think it pertinent to relined reaction sweep down the cram in action. The present prisals.
tracks, a tendency arises to de routine of the party, its norspair of over passing it. This mal life, is inadequate to proLegislative Campaign post card, and placard and gram. Hitherto, our national field workers and organizers.
expresses itself in the phrase. vide the needed acceleration Our largely defensive skir sticker posting sub campaigns leaders have been unknown to national Propaganda union control. Campaign in the trade and that it is essential to put iterate that Stalinism is deadly We must wait for a favorable in terms of what needs to be mishes with the fascists, our should be utilized. Wherever the masses, indeed, are scarce and Publicity Department, turn of events in a weak apol done, the traditional routine by generalized and theoretical an. possible, our branches should ly known to many of our mem working under the immediate undons lizing our slogans out propaganda exposing their It is precisely this disbelief of the party. Inertia and dis union penetration must now be campaigns on this program and to the Lender principle, we ter, should be established. This and Hours Opening of the is that active participation in in the capacity of the proletari, couragement result. Our fisupplemented by concentrat a parallel one on local issues. Coincident with the direct movement are personified to posed of several comrades ful of Business Secrets and Re: and self. sacrificing work which characterizes those we crisis, the meetings thin out.
a positive program. For this party actions, we shall attempt the masses in the actions ly qualified by technical train cords to convince workers of among the working cinse woord ing as well as political experi necessity of Points and scorn most, the Stalinists, so have done more to convince the We can no longer rely solely we propose what may be to secure all possible official and personalities of men.
Fresh Blood ence.
It is not our intention in this stalinist workers that the trials cial Democrats, lberals and upon the slow processes of termed a legislative campaign trade union support and actions tired radicals. Our party can union penetration, on sporadic tions around three main issues Focusing agitation and ac on any or all of these bills. Our leadership must begin to document to analyze every were a frameup than a thouIn conclusion, we wish to phase of the party work. The sand pamphlets on the subject.
penetrate the hinterlands. to make clear that in submitting justify its existence only by an defensive demonstrations Members will React indomitable program of action against the fascists, on the directly geared to the moods of It will be argued the masses, the party should program is beyond that this enter directly into the activities these proposals we do so with picture in the following fields: Let our main attention be dithe material of the party everywhere in a no fntent of offering some spe unemployment. Labor Party, rected toward ourselves beand guide them on the road to essential, to be sure. But in social revolution.
themselves they fail to suffice mental agencies for the adoption of such activity is depen personal participation in the gesting some specific imple same lamentable lacks. We gram and our actions become The success of this bold ors. The new orientation must be tion of three point program, dent on the present state of the key actions and struggles which mentation to the conclusions have selected the above three positive: let us address coure be concretized intoo well drafted treasury is false. Rather, the our program will invoke are an arrived at in the proposed Po major points of War Trade selves to the progressive and clear understanding of the in cerned with the projection of program to enllustrate our are still in the vast majority scale, focussed upon ods alone to keep pace with our the masses, with national direchour 30 per week plans, and such activity as a means of in Into this leadership, addition an attitude within the party premise the leadership is in non Stalinists.
for The leadership must break our engine.
ordinary tasks and inspire and This type of activity is partic pathizers and, above all, of as well, tested comrades who tla, root out inefficiency and ularly adapted to the present gaining the active support of have the capacity, initiative smugness, destroy any linger and practice.
its orientation. If not, it direct every member Explanation Trying Panaceas political understanding of the wider strata of workers. and enthusiasm to reinvigorate ing sectarianism or defeatism, must be replaced. The specific The ranks of the party, when the leadership, provide new thrust it into the living strus that the leadership of our party are not sufficient to overshadIt is impossible to conclude talents of this or that individual desperatione among broad Strata To furullsuch a program, we tal battles in terms of legisla moved by some inspiring im ideas and creative stimulus and sles me the masses and make fails to understand that its ow the incorrect perspectives de heavily the factor of time in past slaws in our propaganda bills. The Townsend movement been backward in fulfilling the technical responsibility which sade for the liberation of the task is to initiate and direct the these comrades. In any case ti. eir capabilities have not been the present epoch. growing technique. For one thing, we is a striking demonstration of material requirements of the have been a dead weight upon proletariat.
What, then, is the reason for utilized under the circumsection, including the unem must modify our too frequently the failure of the leadership to stances.
ployed and the declassed petty negative approach. We must ing been written some tentionary slogans against the gear the party to its tasks. We have not been concerned bourgeoisle, seeks desperately give the workers something months ago, may today not be leadership and its reformist and failure to carry out the here with the few successes for a quick, decisive end to positive, something to fight for.
supported wholeheartedly by program, these are the duties serious resolutions and pro which our party has had. In their misery. Increasingly dis. Too often we have appeared to the authors themselves. It is of the members of the Socialist gram? It hasn done so be general these successes prove ilusioned with the traditional the workers simply to hard to believe that the authors Workers Party cause it doesn consider this our contention that our party, nostrums of reform, they ex agin everything. After ten fail to see that our bold and ADDENDA TO THE the primary necessity: it has given the correct orientation periment with such panaceas years of acute economic crisis ment in absence of the labor RESOLUTION no faith in our ability to at and direction, can make itself as the Townsend movement, the average worker and unem party, an academic gesture of By ROGER B, CROSS tract the workers of this coun felt as a factor on the Amerithe Epic Plan and technocracy. ployed person wants not so no great practical importance. The terms principle and tac try to its banner and lead them can scene. This convention CROSS, MYRON CARLSON account of the new developin hopes of a miracle cure. ory as road out. Education ments in the labor movement, because of the workers who our movement. The disastrous of its own and in that direction smug satisfaction and emphaand IRVING KAPLAN This psychology is a ripening through a program of positive especially in their political as look for leadership, and whose consequences of indiscriminate. its attention is concentrated sis on the small successes: our agent for American fascism, al action is on the order of of the (Continued from last issue)
displaying alarming day.
necessary now to reconsider spire by such brilliant maneuv fundamental, sacred and not to THE COMMUNIST PARTY.
have gone, what we have acgrowth in the resurgence of the Our propaganda technique al of meaningless phrases not be the question and to make a rad ers as our referendum mant be questioned, thus leading to For ten years its major em complished, and what can be Coughlipites with genuinely so suffers from the tendency to lieved by even those who pre ical change in our tactics in festo and our analysis of the la.
a rigidity utterly incompatible phasis has been on anti Stalin reasonably done in the future.
attempt to stuff the workers sent them that we shall fruc regard to the developing labor bor party. The question is not with the variegated tasks of a ist propaganda. It has always Only such a discussion and reBut it would be fatal for us to with everything at once. It is a tify the reformist labor party, party movement. The conven conclude superficially that remnant of other days when that we shall do it more suction was aware of the possibil hooray boys who did and will hand, the insufficient considers and direct activity when at sible for the party is emerge these masses material for rilascism aspects of the party was a task of the elements of the stp. Pe for the velopment takes on a more rad to the stars and fly after the maperuwers que sometimes very When the was in failure to do this, wat mean of the fascist production and hice propaganda for mass appeal to do so it not to fact that all (Draft Resolution 1, 10. but ent one, as soon as the new tac sause they are called tactics: half a dozen pamphlets on the the masses will be swept up bet promise of bold action which must consist rather of the end revolutionary groupings were even then the party agreed that tical turn is declared, as it was should be obvious. It is dis Moscow Trials without putting the fascists.
will attract disillusioned mass less repetition, but with infin. finally driven out of those labor all reformist parties, among last summer.
es to that banner, unless our ite variety of two or three sim parties when a crisis arose, as them the labor party. act in Main Task Remains see the revolutionary move cialist parties. It was and 1s. ful change, etc. are very freparty Intervenes with a com ple comprehensible in 1914 and thereafter, driven practice and in crisis as bul Our role, even assuming the ment so handicapped. therefore, inconceivable for a quently heard.
prehensible and bold program themes. Nor are these arbitrar. out not with increased strength warks of capitalism and ene existence of a labor party, and To preserve our flexibility revolutionary party to bear the of working class action against ily posed, but instead project but at the cost of lost forces, mies of the socialist revolution. assuming, although under no and to protect ourselves from label Socialist.
The confusion in party labels capitalism that will turn them themselves as a direct response because of the discouragement Their false program and per circumstances admitting, the unserupulous maneuvering, we in the while the word is so great that Coughlinites, on the road to the social revolu to the existent psychological experienced by many a worker spectives disorient the masses, correctness of the majority res should simply follow the rule Socialist has not such a social our deadliest enemies, mistook moods and material aspirations along the bold, resolute and turning them aside from revolution, is a hopeless one, the that a program adopted by a patriotic connotation, yet even us for the and in retallaTo successfully pose our a. is so important as jobs. To the discouraged by our bold steps consolidate without effective the party members being out portance. The same test should only social reformism, and a To the unemployed, nothing party as many here must be permit the forces of reaction to the overwhelming majority of changed by a device of like im reactionary, socialist means streets of downtown New York, June 10th attacked the befudternative before the masses, employed, nothing matters so in supporting the Waldmans in opposition. the present la side of the trade union move be applied to any proposed ac confused mixture of pacifism dled Thomasites, who didn we must first cleanse our much as shorter hours, higher New York and the candidates bor party developments, how ment, exert no influence, for tion in a given situation, e. and Norman Thomas.
know what it was all about. If ranks of certain false attitudes, income and job security.
For instance, we must root out emotion is so persistent as the in Chicago.
No of the non existent labor party ever far they may be extended, better or for worse, in leading do they further us in our fight The historical development the Coughlinites, who had ex. are) the method for pre the workers. The convention to achieve Socialism.
of the made it almost cellent reasons after Madison any misconceptions about go fear of war, expressed in the Of course the labor party venting the growth of independecision as to working in the inevitable that for a short pe Square Garden and June 10th ing underground in view of continued strong sentiment for supporters are not quite sure dent class politics. Draft trade untons, turning our the war danger. Some, seeing Isolationism.
riod we maintain the label So to find out exactly who their whether or not to acknowledge Resolution II, 26, 27. ON THE NAME cialist. At the time of the split main enemy was, blundered, only the defeats and the dizzy Selective Demands paternity if our fructification pace of events, wish to disThis analysis was and is cor not carried out, because most with the Thomasites, in order how much more must be the of us never knew and never count further open party work to win over as many militants confusion created in the minds Our party must therefore should not bear the expected cared to learn how to work of the as possible, had of the backward and even the a manner bold, resolute and within and with the masses.
and to plunge forthwith un concentrate its propaganda and fruit. While we unambiguously rect, and if we shall step out in to continue the use of the name advanced workers.
derground. that is, to bury activities in a fashion calculat support the labor party movethe party. They conceive of ed to coincide directly with ment in general and all its decisive. to build or help build our duty was and still remains Socialist in our party. For the True, the disintegration of same reason it may have been the will leave the field underground activity solely these very concrete moods and local manifestations, neverthe the labor party we shall with to make each party member an The 3rd International under justified for a short period af open to us and mistaken noin terms of fugitive criminals. aspirations. Our Transitional less the Socialist Workers or without our fructification, be active worker in the trade contemning dentliye birding the program must not remain in Party does not and will not, held responsible for the meth: unions, wherein the influence the leadership of Lenin ana ter the split, as a considerable tions will gradually recede into hin dhumawa contacts quite nine something to drag along by the responsibility for this party. Independent class politics. mit and tactics can be made felt. Communist, discarding the ac devoted to the remnants of the out any moment, and we may contrary! The safeguard of our tail as a concession to the That may be a desire, but will may be repeated with Crux that However, standing on the side cepted usage of Social Demo have little time to do a task. pressive state apparatus is pos Instead, we must select those the eyes of the workers, who prognosis of yesterday, but by workers and attempting to done not only for the purpose of past history. The split has obstacles to overcome without sible only to the extent that our three or four concrete demands just will not follow nor under the situation of today, which preach to them, is of immediate appeal from our stand the position, and with in statement must be read with it is impossible. Socialist had become a syno brunt of opponents work is, ac dead corpse of social reformTransitional program which evitable logic will conclude one of Trotsky that under the No support to the labor party nym for gradualism, class col cording to the political resolu ism and Thomasite pacifistic SOCIALIST APPEAL must become the living heart that those who unambiguously pressure of the masses of the movement, but revolutionary laboration, social patriotism, tion, to be directed to the confusion.
of our program of action. support the labor movement people, the bourgeoisie will trade union activity on the part and stank of renegacy and be and in their case Socialist The convention should thereJune 27, 1939 For the unemployed, this should be held responsible for take various steps to the left. of every party member. trayal, How strongly the found has a repulse effect (vestigial fore change the name of the means an aggressive fight for the party. This will be the case This may be understood to say No building of the labor par ers of the Revolutionary Inter remains of revolutionary party by dropping the word Published twice a week by the the 20 billion dollar public more particularly in a war cri. that the revolutionary party existing mass political labor national feit on this question age. Socialist, and also change the SOCIALIST APPEAL PUBCreates Confasion LISHING ASS 116 UniverWorks and housing program, sis, when the labor party natur shall not become a handmaiden existingmass political labor can be seen from the fact that they made the changing or name of the Appeal to LaFor the employed, it means a ally, even congenitally, win of the bourgeoisie in helping it parties.
In day, to day activity every bor Action or some other sultsity Place, New York, fight for the 30 hour week 30 support the unambiguous sup to take such steps as the labor No support, critical or other they made the changing of the comrade can cite instance able name. Reentered as second class per week minimum wage plan. porters of the labor party party, which is from the point wise, to the labor party, but name a pre requisite for ad upon instance where unnecesmission into the 3rd Interna sary confusion amongst the Al Findly matter February 16, 1939, at For the masses in general, it movement will be held respon of view of the bureaucrats and Olutionary program.
the post office at New York means fight against the war sible by the workers. the bourgeoiste, the method for No support to the bureaucra tional.
workers has been created by under the Act of danger in terms of the issues The majority resolution mis preventing the growth of inde tic leadership of the labor par The passage of 20 years have the present name of the party. Join the Socialist March 3, 1879.
they at present understand. states the facts in saying that pendent class politics. ty, but organization of fraction only confirmed the perfidy and Such remarks as They are such as the popular referendum at the time of our national Workers Party The majority resolution, hav al groups around our revolu treachery of the so called So Socialists and believe in peaceA Point of View on the Labor Party Question be They are ready to try anything much a confirmation of his mis. By FERRY, ROGER convention we took insufficient This is, however, not the case. tic have long been the curse of to victory. It has an orientation must not content itself with a ready It is nothing but the mouthine pects. therefore. It is confidence we surely do not in ly labelling certain precepts as its main hope is in SPLITTING task is to evaluate how far we and ton.
False Attitudes OF THE PARTY Vol. III, No. 45