SOCIALIST APPEAL DECEMBER 28, 1940 SOCIALIST APPE AL VOL. IV No. 52 Saturday, December 28, 1940 PubMehed Velly by the BOCIALIST APPDAL PUBLISHING ABD at 116 University Plaos, New York, Telephone: Algonquin 1547 Anaconda Copper Trust Shachtman Takes Hits The Jackpot Again Chair Vacated By Professor Burnham Editorial Board: FELIX MORROW ALBERT GOLDMAN General Manager: RUTH JEFFREY It Just Like It was in 1917 The Sky The Limit. It Nice To Have Friends in Washington Subscriptions: 32. 00 per year: 00 for six months Foreign. 00 per year. 60 for six months. Bundle orders: cents per copy in the United Staten: oente per copy in all foreign countries. Single coples: oente. Reentered a second classmatter December 1939, at the post omeo at New York, under the Act of March 1, 1870.
geoisie.
man, Green, Murray and Lewis on this basic question? None that visible to the naked eye.
Their proposal is as false as would be the proposal to give half the seats on a union executive board to the bosses. It as false as would be a proposal for setting up compulsory arbitration boards.
As a matter of fact, Hillman actual boards first in shipbuilding, then elsewhere constitute a major step in the direction of compulsory arbitration.
We know that Murray and Lewis don like the anti labor consequences of such boards. Yet, reluctantly, without enthusiasm, Lewis and Murray ended up by proposing to Roosevelt the formation of such boards. That was inevitable, given the present political outlook of Murray and Lewis. They had to take some stand on the questions arising out of war production. Only two main positions were possible. Either they could, like Hillman and Green, agree to class collaboration with the bosses and their government. Or they could declare themselves firmly as the defenders of the interests of the working class against the bosses and their gov.
ernment. One or the other! The issue is now posed on a razor edge and can be evaded.
So Murray and Lewis have taken the same stand as Hillman and Green. Because to take the opposite stand means to launch the labor movement on the road of independent political action, on the road of a Labor Party. Because it would mean that the working class should itself become the power and the government of the country.
That the only real alternative to the Judas role of Hillman and Green. Everything in their past and present, however, keeps Murray and Lewis from adopting that alternative.
But the workers of the CIO don have that kind of past and present. Their catastrophic experiences with the Hillman Green Murray Lewis position will inevitably drive these workers, for their very salvation, to the road of independent labor action.
FIGHT WITH THE SOCIALIST WORKERS PARTY ON THE WAR FRONT: For: Military training of workers, financed by the gov.
ernment, under control of the trade unions, The establishment of special officers training camps, financed by the government and controlled by the trade unions, to train workers to become officers. Confiscation of all war profits all company books to be open for trade union inspection. Expropriation of all war industries and their operation under workers control. Trade union wages for all workers drafted into the army, Full equality for Negroes in the armed forcesDown with Jim Crowism. An end to secret diplomacy. peoples referendum on any and all wars.
The Anaconda Copper Mining Company. Baruch made his first war material for 16 3 cents a Company, and its subsidiaries. big pite in the Amalgamated Coppound. The combine was known which has a virtually complete per manipulations of the Morgan as United Metals Selling Compamonopoly on the ownership and controlled National City Bank out ny, with Ryan as president. From production of all copper in the of which came the Anaconda cop this combine, the government dur United States, and controls no less per trust. In 1904, Baruch being the war bought 523, 338, 735 than 60 percent of the world sup. came a confidential broker for the pounds of copper of a total of 592, ply, announced a consolidated net Guggenheim interests which had 258, 674 pounds purchased.
profit of 24. 241, 675 for the first control of Anaconda Copper. As The average cost of producing nine months of 1940. This is more chairman of the War Industries copper, according to the Graham than a 100 percent gain in profits Board, this tool of Morgan and committee findings, was to 12 over the 1939 corresponding pe Guggenheim, spent government cents per pound. But by October riod.
funds at the rate of 10, 000, 000. 15, 1917, when the government made its second great copper pur.
it is obvious that the Copper 000 annually.
Trust is continuing and even betBaruch was ably assisted in chase of the war, the price charge tering its profiteering record of cleaning up for the copper trusted was 23 cents, and advanced the last war. Anaconda Copper in by John Ryan, president of to 26 cents by June 15, 1918. Cop nine months of 1940 made 3, 438. the Anaconda Copper Corporation, per profits ranged from 33 to more 805 more profit than it did for who was Assistant Secretary of than 200 percent.
the whole of 1918. The net take War under Woodrow Wilson, and From 1916 to 1920, the Navy Defor 1918 was 20. 802, 870. By the head of the copper buying compartment did tremendous purch.
end of the present year, the total mittee of the War Industries asing, including a great deal of copper profits will far surpass the Board.
copper. The Assistant Secretary 1917 total of 25, 203, 751.
After the war the House of Rep. of the Navy, who had continuous What this monumental profit mitteo, headed by William Grund Ryan, was a young fellow resentatives set up a special com important dealings with Baruch eering really means in terms of ham of Illinois, to investigate the named Franklin Roosevelt.
the influence of the Copper Trustwar profits scandals. The evidence The press on Tuesday, Novemover the present Administration of this committee Alls 21 massive ber 26 of this year sives front can only be realized when we con volumes, and includes overwhelm page notice to the fact that Roos.
sider how Anaconda Copper garning proof of the graft, corruption evelt had unch with Baruch ered its lesser profits during and gigantic thievery of Anaconda just prior to an important special World War No.
Copper in conjunction with the secret conference of the President with the heads of the War and government.
TOOL OF TRUSTS HEADS WAR BOARD HOW THEY SQUEEZED Navy departments and the Na.
tional Defense Commission. AlHeading the War Industries THE GOVERNMENT though the present incredible proBoard, which had dictatorial con Among the findings of the Gra Ats of Anaconda Copper are evi trol over all industry and govern ham committee was the fact that dence enough, this luncheon téte ment purchasing during the last just two weeks before Wilson sent tete tops off the proof that Roos war, was Bernard Baruch. his war message to Congress on evelt is not forgetting his old.
Baruch was a speculator in cop. April 2, 1917, Ryan and Baruch time friends like Barney Baruch.
per stocks who was given his had arranged a monopoly combi So much for Anaconda, the start in the brokerage business nation of all copper producers to same story can be told about all by James Keene, a contidential sell to the government 45, 000, 000 the other big trusts. War It broker for Morgan and pounds of copper, an indispensable wonderful for the fat cats.
AFL Bourbons AT HOME: For: job and decent living for every worker. Thirty thirty. 30 weekly minimum wage 30 hour weekly maximum for all workers on all jobs. 30 weekly old age and disability pension. Full social, political and economic equality for the Negro people. Workers Defense Guards against vigilante and fascist attacks. twenty billion dollar Federal public works and housing program to provide jobs unem.
ployed. Expropriate the Sixty Families. An Independent Labor Party based on the Trade Unions. Workers and Farmers Government.
Latin American Masses Fear Uncle Sam Aid By JOSEPH HANSEN The announcement of Max Schachtman in the De cember issue of his New International that he has been led to abandon the position that Russia is a workers state, will come as a surprise to no one who has followed the development of the petty bourgeois group to which he belongs. Shachtman has only moved over to the position occupied by his ex client, Professor Burnham, before the latter abandoned the camp of the working class for the camp of the bour.
It will be recalled that Burnham for some years held the view that the Soviet Union is not a workers state. Nevertheless so long as the Franco Soviet pact endured he found it possible to defend the Soviet Union unconditionally against imperialist attack With the switch of Stalin into the orbit of Hitle marked by the signing of the Nazi Soviet pact, Burnham found he no longer the Soviet Union.
Like Burnham, Shachtman now finds that developments in the world situation occasioned by the Second World War raises to the forefront once more, the Russian Question. That is, in response to the pressure of the war mongering imperialist bourgeoisie, he has decided that this is the time to revise all the carefully worked out analyses of the Soviet Union accomplished by the Fourth International in peacetime.
Like Burnham, Shachtman finds that Russia role in the war on the side of German Imperialism only emphasizes fundamental trends inherent under Stalin Regime. trends which Shachtman, however, unlike the more perspicacious Burnham, did not discover until after the war broke out. In this delay Shachtman again demonstrates his dependence upon Burnham as theoretician and underlines what was pointed out by Trotsky during the faction struggle with the petty bourgeois opposition, that Burnham was its ideological leader, Shachtman his attorney, In promulgating his views on the class nature of the Soviet Union, Burnham was extremely cautious. The ruling stratum of the Soviet Union does not con stitute a crystallized bourgeois class in the traditional sense, nor can it be predicted with assurance whether its evolution in the future even if unchecked will be toward such crystallization. Now that Burnham is no longer present to indicate to Shachtman some of the implications of his views, Shachtman finds it possible to plunge head over heels down the logical course of Burnham position, e. that there is an entirely new ruling class in the Soviet Union. The old crap was revived in new, unprecedented, hitherto unknown form, the rule of a new bureaucratic class.
In arriving at Burnham position on the class nas ture of the USSR a new attempt at revising the class theory of the state as Trotsky remarked ok precisely this position 1937 Shachtman bases himselt almost exclusively on Trotsky analyses of the Soviet Union. Just as Johnson considers Trotsky one of the most powerful agents of social dynamics who has lived in this or any other time only to conclude that Trotsky was a political idiot, 80 Shachtman says of Trotsky that Nobody has even approached him in the scope and depth of his contribution, to understanding of the Soviet Union only to conclude: The traditional view of the (Fourth)
International on the class character of the USSR rests upon a grievous theoretical error. Trotsky, a Marxist on the level of Marx, Engels, Lenin, was unable to arrive at a correct determination of the class nature of the Soviet Union! Apparently Shachtman considers Trotsky a theoretical idiot.
Shachtman bolsters his arguments with numerous quotations from Trotsky works. It is only necessary to put these quotations back into their context how.
ever to see that cach one of them refutes Shachtman at every turn. Even more damaging to Shachtman is the fact that Trotsky answered long ago every one of the arguments that are now brought out as something new by Shachtman. If one merely listed the points which Shachtman attempts to establish, a com.
pletely crushing answer could be given him simply by counterposing Trotsky previous answers to the revisionists who stood a few years ago where Shachtman stands now. Two articles alone of Trotsky writ.
ten in 1937: Once Again: The USSR and its Defense, and Not a Workers and Not a Bourgeois State? published in Internal Bulletins Nos. and of the SWP answer every one of the essential arguments now raised in 1940 by Shachtman. The touchstone of a revolutionary political leade er is the question of the state, Trotsky remarked in his History of the Russian Revolution. Belatedly Shacht man has provided another remarkable demonstration of the importance of this dictum in working class politics.
In the January 1938 issue of The New Interna.
tional, Shachtman himself aptly characterized the stale dish he now serves up as an innovation: At bottom, the ultra leftist position on the Soviet Union which denies it any claim whatsoever to being a workers state, reflects the vacillations of the pettybourgeoisie, their inability to make a firm choice between the camps of the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, of revolution and imperialism.
The next logical step of Shachtman development in the wake of Burnham is, like his former client, lo make a firm ehoice.
Murray Program The AFL bureaucracy, like the Bourbons, learns nothing and forgets nothing. Its conception of a good union man still is a fellow in one of the sheltered and well paying crafts who has worked at the same trade for forty years in the same town.
This stupid conception remains untouched by the 11 year catastrophic crisis which drove millions upon millions from their trades and their towns.
It remains impervious to the inspiring fact that the trade union movement has more than doubled its membership in the last few years, and that the new members are the most militant and now constitute the backbone of the labor movement.
How all this passes by the dull mind of an AFL bureaucrat is shown in the Dec. 17 issue of the AFL Weekly News Service, in the column of its editor, Philip Pearl. He brazenly undertakes to defend the 300 initiation fee charged by the Washington, local of the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, against the complaint of a worker. In the first place, the only reason this migrant worker sought to join the union was because he couldn get the army construction) job otherwise. Note that smug, contemptuous reference to a migrant worker. Workers who have to migrate are just scum to Mr. Pearl. If he had enough skill to qualify him to become a member, the probabilities are that he acquired his skill working in scab shops as a non union man. So what, Mr.
Pearl? Five million good union men were nonunion men five years ago and today they re better union men than you are.
But then Mr. Pearl gets down to the meat of the thing. The chicl reason for initiation fees is to keep new members out when there are not enough jobs to go around for the members already in. His idea of a union is a job trust. Koep all the jobs for our boys, and to hell with everybody else. To add insult to injury, after keeping the others out Mr. Pearl calls them men who acquired their skill working in scab shops.
Mr. Pearl policy meant, concretely, during the years of mass unemployment, to drive out of the unions the unemployed who couldn keep up their dues, and to keep the unemployed out of the union. It meant to set up an impassable barrier between the employed and the unemployed, pitting one against the other.
Precisely such a policy, pursued by the the Social Democratic leaders of the German trade unions, served to drive the desperate unemployed into the arms of Hitler.
Fortunately, the CIO industrial union movement has grasped the importance of uniting employed and unemployed and bringing all into the unions. Fortunately, too, some AFL unions don set up impassable barriers against interested workers. But this Bourbon cutlook of the AFL bureaucracy can still do great damage to the American labor movement.
President Phillip Murray of the CIO has sent to Roosevelt a proposal for maintaining continuous production on war orders. The essence of the plan is, labor employer boards in each industry.
We are quite well aware of such differences as exist between the outlook of Murray and John Lewis on the one hand, and William Green and Sidney Hillman on the other. The main difference is on the question of industrial unionism and on that question, as we have often pointed out, we stand with Murray and Lewis against Green and Hillman. But on the question of national de fense we find that all these four gentlemen see eye to eye with each other.
What does Green say? Addressing the quadrennial convention of the Carpenters recently he declared: We maintain that labor should be represented on every board created by this government for the promotion of our defense program.
What docs Hillman say? At the CIO national convention Murray declared that there should be a labor employer board in every industry substantially the same proposal that Murray now has made officially to Roosevelt. Hillman answered him: We are starting on the course suggested by Murray. it is the suggestion we set up de fense industries commissions, we are on the way.
We are right now setting it up in the shipbuilding industry and there will be an equal representation of labor and industry on that particular commission. We expect to do that in the aircraft industry as soon as we set it up in shipbuilding, and there will be representatives of labor.
And on November 30, Hillman announced the setting up of a shipbuilding stabilization committee along that line. And there no reason to doubt that before he, Knudsen and Roosevelt are finished, they will have such committees in every industry. Why not? It all to the advantage of the employers and their government.
So what the difference in views among HillBy QUEBRACHO want to appear as a partisan ofereignty of the South American BUENOS AIRES (By Mail. Nazi fascism.
countries. The bases would be unThe announcement in New York. The press and organizations der the control of the South that the Uruguayan government here which serve the Axis powers American countries which would was preparing to consider con. have of course hastened to raise construct them, and which would, struction of air and naval bases again their anti imperialist only in case of external aggresat the mouth of the Rio de la banner, filling this city with post sion, put them at the disposition Plata, in connivance with the crs against the cession of these of the other nations of the conUnited States, produced a sensa bases, accusing the Uruguayan tinent, including, forsooth, the tion in this part of the continent. government of treason, and United States. In return, the In a recent interpellation in mitting Yankee imperialism to be able to utilize the buses of pointing to the danger of per South American warships would the Uruguayan Senate, Foreign control the mouth of the Rio de the United States needn unMinister Guani said that already la Plata.
derline the comical aspect of this in June a military commisThe Chilean government has in return.
slon has visited Uruguay to sur felt it necessary to declare that vey favorable sites for bases. Yet When all factors are taken in it is not considering the possibil. to consideration, it is easy to see nobody here knew of the existity of ceding bases to the United that, in spite of the great unence of this commission; only States, while a representative of easiness shown by the people at now has the Uruguayan govern official circles has declared him the announcement about the basment said a word about it. What self flatly opposed to such ceses, the project will go forward.
is more: every rumor concernsions.
That is already stated by General ing this possibility of such bases For its part, the Uruguayan Baldomir, President of Uruguny, from the United States have ister Guuni. made a declaration the Senate.
cane Senate, after interpellating Min in spite of the contrary vote in been categorically denied by Cor similar to that of Chile, although dell Hull and the South American in this case the action loses much The ever greater campaign of governments. The game is now of its weight since it was in the democratie press of this clear: these rumors were launch spired by the Herrorista party continent, in the service of Yan.
od as trial balloons in order to which is linked to Nazi fascism: kee imperialism, will make in.
tries to the idea of having Yan the three Herrerista ministersion that opposition to these plans (Since this article was written. roads in convincing public opinkce imperializm installed in a have resigned from the Urugаuy is the exclusive work of totali: series of Gibraltars in South an cabinet in protest against the those who don support it are America.
negotiations for bases. Editor. Despite this preparation the The Argentine government members of the 6th column.
announcement now made about has as yet said nothing, although In this way they will be able to projected bases at the mouth of it is known here that acceptance castrate, for the present, the patthe Rio de la Plata, a few miles of the plans for continental de riotic impulse of the South Ame.
from Bucnos Aires and Montevi fense cession of bases on will stifle the voice of the revo rican people. In this way they deo and controlling the most vital the southern coast, in Patagonia lutionary workers by identifying deeply moved our people. The in granting the 100, 000, 000 loans credited Stalinism. And the South numerable organs of publicity and arrangements for commerce, controlled by Yankee imperialism now being negotiated in Wash American people will accept with. which are operated here in ington by our Prebisch mission. clenched teeth, as a lesser evil. the open or covert installation of truly amazing number, increase that condition is agreed to ing all the time have exhausted there will be a great public out. Yankee imperialism on our coasts.
all methods to convince the cry, especially in the army and masses of the necessity of in navy, which may well be taken Until they awake to the restalling such bases against the advantage of by the Nazi fascists. alization that, through the treas Nazi danger. and that the bas However, everything indicates on of their governing classes, es will be built without affect that Wall Street is going to move this step means the chaining of ing in any way the sovereignty with extreme caution and ad cur peoples to the war machine of the countries involved. In vance only little by little its plan of the United States and our enspite of all this propaganda. the for economic and military dom slavement by that which will be uneasiness of the public cannot ination of South America. Cor. the most brutal imperialism of be soothed away, even though dill Hull has declared for the all times, Wall Street imperialthis uneasiness often fears to ex hundredth time that the proposed ism.
press itself because it doesn bases will not affect the sov. November 25, 1940 NEW YEAR EVE CELEBRATIONS Dec. 31 p. Until All Hours IN CHICAGO IN NEW YORK CITY GERMANIA HALL DANCES AND GAMES REAL BLOWOUTS EATS AND DRINKS 1114 PRATT BOULEVARD 3rd Avenue and 16th Street Subscription: 91 Cents Auspices: SOCIALIST WORKERS PARTY Subscription: One Dollar