SOCIALIST APPEAL DECEMBER 21, 1940 SOCIALIST APPEAL VOL. IV No. 51 Saturday, December 21, 1940 PubMehed Tooky by the SOCIALIST APPEAL PUBLISHING ABSM.
at 116 University Place, New York, Telephone: Algonquin 3547 Our Party Election Macdonald Cries Out Campaign In Minnesota Against Shachtman Internal Regime Editorial Board: FELIX MORROW ALBERT GOLDMAN General Manager: RUTH JEFFREY The Trotskyist Candidate for Senator Tells Why She Polled More Votes Than Browder and Thomas Together Subscriptions: 00 per year: 00 for six months.
Foreign. 00 per year. 50 for six months. Bundle orders: cents per copy in the United States; centa per copy in all foreign countries. Single coples: conta. Reentered as necond class matter December 1939, at the post once at New York, under the Act of Marca 1879.
FIGHT WITH THE SOCIALIST WORKERS PARTY ON THE WAR FRONT: For: Military training of workers, financed by the gov.
ernment, under control of the trade unions. The establishment of special officers training camps, financed by the government and controlled by the trade unions, to train workers to become officers. Confiscation of all war profits all company books to be open for trade union inspection. Expropriation of all war industries and their operation under workers control. Trade union wages for all workers drafted into the army. Full equality for Negroes in the armed forces Down with Jim Crowism. An end to secret diplomacy. peoples referendum on any and all wars.
group: Trotsky pointed out, before Stalin silenced his powerful voice, that the key to Stalin foreign policy in the period immediately ahead was in the hands of the White House. The Kremlin foreign policy may well be decided in Washington.
Meanwhile, the intangible exchange of amenities continues. While America hard boiled Sixty Families, with whom all final decisions rest, weigh the pros and cons, nothing is permitted to interfere with the back stage probings as to just how far Stalin will really dare to venture out on the limb.
In the big bourgeois press the lid is on. And this is also reflected in a marked lack of interest in the Soviet developments in the so called radical Press, and the sheets of the Mensheviks of all varieties.
When the bourgeoisie howled about poor, brave little Finland, these Mensheviks barked in chorus. When the bourgeoisie decided among other things, not to fuss about poor little Esthonia, poor little Latvia, etc. etc. all the opponents of Stalin imperialism likewise dropped their tails with a just barely audible yelp. Like well trained poodles they react instantly not only to the master loud voice, but to a mere gesture of his littlest finger.
Roosevelt Latest It would be easy to demonstrate that like other recent moves he has made, Roosevelt plan to lend Britain munitions is not aid short of war but constitutes actual participation in the war. It would be easy to show that, in this latest move to circumvent the Neutrality Act, Roosevelt has broken the solemn promises he made last year in order to secure passage of the cash and carry provisions of the Neutrality Act.
Let us, however, concentrate attention on the significant fact that Roosevelt still does not dare propose outright abrogation of the Neutrality Act and of the Johnson Act (which prohibits loans to defaulting countries. Roosevelt still feels it necessary to violate these laws, with the aid of appropriate mumbo jumbo opinions from his Attorney General, rather than to call for new laws more in harmony with his war program. Why is this so?
It is so, we believe, because the masses of this country still don want war. They still hope to keep out of the war. They are skeptical of the aims for which perfidious Albion is warring. They are equally skeptical of the aims for which Wall Street wants war. They accept Roosevelt policy in the half hope that his avowed aim of aid short of war will actually achieve that result.
Were Roosevelt, however, openly to move to clear the decks for all out action, the deep seated anti war feelings of the masses would come to the fore again. proposal by Roosevelt to abrogate the Neutrality and Johnson Acts would, it is certain, galvanize great sections of the people in a resurgence of opposition to Roosevelt war program. Hence Roosevelt circumlocutions. But thereby he gives involuntary testimony to the depth of anti war feeling still latent in this country.
That pervasive anti war sentiment is significant, not because it decries the horrors of war. As a matter of fact, upon close analysis, it is clear that to call it anti war sentiment is a misnomer.
It is something much more important than that.
The workers and farmers are not pacifists in any sense of the word. If the well being of the people necessitated a war, the workers and farmers would have no compunctions in fighting one through to the end.
Their anti war feelings, therefore, flow from the first glimmerings of the realization that neither this war, nor any other fought under the leadership of the capitalist class, serves humanity. And in those first glimmerings is the beginning of all wisdom.
AT HOME: For: job and decent living for every worker. Thirty thirty 830 weekly minimum wage 30 hour weekly maximum for all workers on all jobs. 30 weekly old age and disability pension. Full social, political and economic equality for the Negro people. Workers Defense Guards against vigilante and fascist attacks. twenty billion dollar Federal public works and housing program to provide jobs for the unemployed. Expropriate the Sixty Families. An Independent Labor Party based on the Trade Unions. Workers and Farmers Government.
By GRACE CARLSON a large number of signatures from Trotskyist Anti war large number of letters have workers on the job. Even in Bill Party Candidate for come in to Minnesota, from com Hutcheson union, workers will Senator WLOL.
rades and friends throughout the support a militant, working class 10:15 Governor Stassen for country. inquiring about the secret program, brought to them by one Willkie WTCN of our success in the recent elec. of their own proven militants. Many comrades arranged radio Lion campaign. The Socialist waitress gathered signatures Worker Party listed on the ballot from her customers as did a parties at their homes so that friends might hear and discuss as the Trotskyist Anti war Par butcher in a retail meat market.
these speeches. One comrade, worty. received 761 votes more than the combined totals of the LITERATURE DISTRIBUTION king on a night shift in a factory Socialist and Communist Parties. The distribution of the 5, 000 brought a radio to the lunch room This secret is not hard to find campaign leaflets and the 10. 000 so that the workers could hear The Bolshevik character of the copies of the special Minnesota one of the speeches during their He reported that Minnesota Party determined the Edition of the Appeal was carried lunch perlooch consisted in the success of the campaign. Trained out in the same enthusiastic way. this speecb which and disciplined ranks, led by Johnson, the Campaign Man. main of long quotations from the workers with years of devotion of the work. The piles of liter tional was very well received.
ager, was in charge of this phase Manifesto of the Fourth Interna: movement in their records, carri. ature melted like snow as the com The diligent work of the Forum, ed through the campaign in an rades under his direction, carried Finance, Education and Social efficient, organized manner. the Trotskyist election literature committees of the Twin City There is no doubt that my can two cities. Bundles of Appeals fields bore fruit for the Party into working class wards of the branches in their own respective didacy at the time had news va lue. In Minnesota, where so and other centers for distribution rallies, meetings and socials, at were also sent to Duluth, St. Cloud in numerous successful election ites and liberals have been fred Here again, great ingenuity was tended by new as well as old symin the past two years by the reac shown.
pathizers of the Party.
tionary Stassen machine, when a Two comrades engaged in travstate employee voluntarily resigns of leaflets with them and released KNOWN elling work always carried a pile TROTSKYIST ACTIVITY Although large masses of workis something of the man bites a few dozen in every small town dog element in such a story. The that most of these leaflets were along their route. They reported ers in outlying parts of the state as well as farmers in rural areas did campaign for signatures opened picked up and read, since resi not hear the speeches or receive less than two weeks after my res dents of small Minnesota towns the literature, nevertheless an im ment of Education, and we were are not flooded with campaign pressive vote was recorded for the thus able to cash in on the pub leaflets, advertisements, etc. as Party in these areas.
The explanation this phen Helty attendant upon the resigna are city people.
tion One of the young comrades on omena is that these workers and the University of Minnesota cam. farmers wanted to express their WHOLE PARTY TOOK PART pus pressed our campaign liter support of a Trotskyist program.
The first big task, the gather ature on everyone who wore a Because of the activities of the Trotskyist leadership of ing of the signatures necessary to Thomas Krieger button. He even the progplace our Party on the ballot, was persuaded some of these sym. ressive Minneapolis labor movedone by Sunday morning mobiliza pathizers of the errors of their ment during the years, tions of St. Paul and Minneapolis ways and made Trotskyints out of the word Trotskyist stands for comrades for house to house can them before the end of the cam. militant working class action to thousands of Minnesota workers vassing. bis majority of the paign.
Twin City membership took part RADIO BROADCASTS who have never read any Trotsky.
in the mobilizations; those unable the three fifteen minute radio ist literature.
to do so gathered signatures in speeches, given on consecutive TRIBUTE TO TROTSKY other ways. With less than a Monday nights, were publicized by The recent tragic death of Leon month allowed by Minnesota law paid advertisements in the capital. Trotsky at the hands of Stalin for the work of placing minorist as well as the labor and Negro agent dramatized the pro ity party candidate on the ballot, press. Moreover 2, 000 postcards gram of the Fourth International we filed 2, 600 signatures in the were sent out, adver the for other thousands of workers Secretary of State office on Oc speeches. In addition, each piece and farmers in Minnesota and tober 600 more than the law or campaign literature carried a throughout the United States. required.
All of the comrades deserve ere and radio station over which the of votes were cast for me as the stamped message giving the time am very sure that many hundreds dit for their efforts in this part speeches could be heard. We also Trotskyist candidate in order to er comrades illustrates how seri the press of the campaign. One of the old obtained some free publicity from do honor to the murdered hero the inclusion of our who symbolizes for the oppressed ously this work was regarded candidate name on the cam. the revolutionary struggle against This was a woman comrade who paign clock which listed the pol the capitalist system of exploitahad recently gone through a seri itical radio speeches of each day. tion.
ous surgical operation. Because have the clipping from the In this election campaign. the of her frail health and age she October 28 issue of the St. Paul first in this country in which the would certainly have been excused Dispatch before me and see the name Trotskylst appeared on a from the work of house to house following line up of political ballot. the ranks of the Minnesota canvassing. She refused to be ex speeches for that day: Party and the masses to which cused, however, and brought over 9:00 President Roosevelt the Party appealed for support 40 signatures in to headquarters This is the type of Bolshevik cour.
from New York City have been the instrument through Το age which, conquering pain and KSTP which fear, carried the Marxist program 9:30 Wendell Willkie from the Fourth International was recsupport for the program of to o Minnesota workers. comrade Louisville WCCO.
orded is a source of great personal in the Carpenters Union gathered 10:00 Dr. Grace Carlson, satisfaction for me.
By JOSEPH HANSEN For some time reports have been reaching us that factional war is convulsing the ranks of the pettybourgeois opposition which split from the Fourth International last spring. new wing of oppositionists to the official oppositionist leadership has cropped up in much the same way that lesser fleas are reputed to crop up on bigger fleas.
It is reported that a wing which rejects Marxism openly is struggling for domination of the so called Workers Party against the wing which rejects Marxism surreptitiously, and that this is the reason for the voluminous polemics which have been appearing under the name of Max Shachtman in Labor Action.
Now that the electoral campaign is over and it is safe to attack one campaign manager, the polemics have been directed particularly against Dwight Macdonald, who heads the Burnham residue in the Workers Party and who publicly advocates revision of the basic doctrines of Marxism.
However Macdonald is struggling not only against Marxism as he did together with Shachtman in the ranks of the Fourth International, he is also struggle ing against the internal regime in his party, Recently he wrote an expose of conditions in his party which we think deserves more wide spread publicity than Shachtman is willing to give it. Here are some of the more salient points of Macdonald expose as mimeographed for the membership of the The expose is entitled, Fraternity Note on the Intellectual Atmosphere in the Party, that is, the Workers Party. It appears that Johnson, fellow editor with Dwight of the New International, without consulting the other editors, or the ruling body of the party nevertheless polemized in the sharpest terms against another member of the party, namely myself, while ostensibly attacking the bour.
geois press. have dwelt at such length on this episode, complains Macdonald, not because of its intrinsic importance, but because it is a specially good ex.
ample of the serious degeneration in the intellectual life of the party since the split. Under the pressure of the war crisis and, at least in my opinion of the impotence of Johnson and other leading comrades to cope with international developments on the basis of their simple minded mechanical Marxist approach, there has been generated a really poisonous atmosphere. Comrades who, like myself, dissatisfied with the official answers and are casting about for more satisfactory interpretations, are regarded with the same fear and bitterness and suspicion as Cannon used to regard all of us during the faction fight. Why, after all, was Johnson impelled to go to such fantastic lengths in order to score a point off my Par.
tisan Review article? Not because of the point her criticizes a minor part of the article but for an entirely different reason: because my general concep tion of fascism is unorthodox and, in his opinion dangerous. This is what is believed the whole bust ness, this is the real issue.
Corrupt, Degenerate Regime So corrupt and degenerated has become the regime in the so called Workers Party that it is apparently denying the very principle upon which it justified its split from the Fourth International. It will be recalled that the Burnham Shachtman group insisted at the time of the split upon their right to publish their attacks on Marxism in the public party press whenever they felt like it.
They insisted that it was necessary for them to split so that they could publish their own press. Mere internal party bulletins were not enough for them.
Now they deny their own principles, for Mac.
donald is compelled to ask: Let have the argument conducted in the open, not by means of such envenomed masked attacks as this one of Johnson.
Macdonald sums up his expose of the regime of the so called Workers Party very succinctly: We have one editor launching a venomous polemic against another editor in the very editorial columns. He has done this without mentioning either me or Par.
tisan Review by name, so that those inside the party would realize what he meant, while the outside public would remain in ignorance of the real aim of the attack Johnson went to such lengths that to have mentioned me by name would have not only provoked a real scandal but would have made the NI look like a very peculiar sort of magazine, with one editor denouncing another as a counter revolutionary squawker. His editorial thus has the character of a lynching rather than a legal execution. cannot sce how revolutionaries and counter revolutionaries can exist side by side either on the editorial board of a Marxist magazine or in a revolutionary party.
If Macdonald is not satisfied with what publicity we have been able to give his expose we suggest that he start his own journal under the protecting wing of the political comunittee of his party and blast that committee publicly for what he terms the serious degeneration they have permitted in the intellectual life of the party since the split.
Why The Silence?
Sidney Hillman Gnat Hillmanites Now Control Jersey CIO State Body sce As the real news about the situation in the Soviet Union trickles through to the outside world, the silence in the bourgeois press becomes more and more obvious. Has Stalin blackout been extended to the Western Hemisphere? Why should the American bourgeoisie render this service to the Kremlin?
It is a mistake to think that the bourgeoisie is uninterested or has just happened to overlook the latest developments of such magnitude as: the transformation of Soviet factories into virtual penitentiaries to which the workers are sentencecd for life; the extension of this imprisonment to their sons and daughters, along with the children of peasants; the inclusion of the administrative and technical staffs in the increasing regimentation; the purge of the Komsomols and the trade union burcaucracy and, most recently, the purge of technicians, engineers, and dissident bureaucrats; the resumption of frame up trials in connection with this purge; the increasing difficulties not only in industry but also in agriculture; the growing shortage of necessities, the rising prices and indirect wage cuts, etc. etc. No, this silence at this time can not be accidental.
Back stage diplomatic maneuver between Washington and Moscow have been going on for scme time now Almost simultaneously with the termination of the Hitler Molotov interview, the Kremlin White House negotiations took on a positive aspect.
Washington announced its approval of the charter of tankers to carry oil and machine tools to VladiVostok. In return the Kremlin granted a consulate and a Far East observation post in Vladivostok to American imperialism.
Obviously inspired by the Kremlin, Red Army commanders begin rattling the sword in the Far Last and the Moscow censors not only release the news but link up the Generals directly with the Communist party. Here is how this interesting ilem begins. MOSCOW, Dec (AP. Irom what is desigrated as the Far Eastern Front a Communist party conference of the Red Army has sent to Joseph Stalin a promise that the Soviet troops will fight any minute and defeat any enemy. The pledge was expressed by General Markian Popoff, who commands the First Far Eastern Army, fol lowing a meeting of officers, commissars and troops who are members of the party. General Grigori Stern, Commander in Chief of the Far Eastern Torces, spoke to the assemblage. Times, Dec. 8)
It is hardly likely that Stalin is trying to provoke the Japanese militarists before whom he has so long grovelled. In fact, it is unlikely that he is addressing himself to them at all. Washington is doing all the threatening of Japan. Stalin bluster does sweeten the atmosphere in which the tentative negotiations with Washington are proceeding, Like the proverbial scoundrel, Sidney Hillman has swallowed a camel but strains on a gnat. He didn poep when his pals on the Defense Council awarded Bethelehem Steel a billion and two hundred millions of war orders. He didn peep when Ford got an order for 120 millions for warplane engines. And so on, and so on. Now he raises his voice in protest against. a measly two million dollar order for war trucks to Ford.
Ilis protest is coyly made public, not by Hillman, but by one of his flunkeys. It turns out that the protest isn in writing, but was lodged verbally. It is made painstakingly clear that the protest, such as it is, is made specifically against this one order to Ford, and doesn apply to the other war orders given to labor law violators or even to the other orders given to Ford.
But this incident has this much value. It shows that, in spite of all the press ballyhoo, in spite of all the threats being made by bosses and their political agents in Washington, the pressure of the workers is pressing down on Washington. If the thick rhinoceros hide of Hillman finds it necessary to respond with this perfunctory protest, that shows that the resentment of the workers, against the brazen anti labor policy of the government in handing out war contracts, is beginning to be felt.
Hillman protest also serves to focus attention on the key question: What shall the workers do if the government persists in refusing to abide by the labor laws, and continues to hand out contracts to labor law violators? Hillman protest is so obviously impotent; truth to tell, the protests of Philip Murray and John Lewis aren so very much more potent than Hillman Protests will turn out to be useless unless they are backed up by definite preparations for strike struggles against Bethlehem Steel, Ford and the others.
Hillman protest is a substitute for such strike action. What is needed is a supplement to protests. And that can only mean real, serious, honest to goodness preparations for militant action. Continued from Page 1)
arguments as: It isn fair, it Hillmanites spent several thou Hillmanites were very careful to isn democratic, the electrical sand dollars prior to the convenimportant issue at all workers could do the same and thon getting their locals into good reached the floor, and their op. ask for representation for their standing, while the Lewis leaders ponents unfortunately played into different parts of their industry. rumbled the job, getting for ex.
their hands on this.
etc. In this way, they obscured ample a representation of 20 steel At a caucus of the anti Hillman the main issues and conducted the delegates when they might easily delegates held after adjournment fight on the plane where the HI have had 60.
the first day, it was agreed that manites wanted it.
Instead of carrying the fight the major issues of the conven. Delegates who wanted to ham. further during the rest of the contion were industrial unionism, op mer home the principles agreed vention, the Stalinists practically position to curbing of labor ac upon at the caucus the day before gave up the fight after this first tivity, formation of an indepen. were denied the floor as the res vote. Almost everything else was dent labor party, and control of ult of an agreement between the referred to the incoming state the state board to advance the heads of the two blocs which cut board, which was elected with a fight on these questions. We will discussion short after a few of majority of Hillmanites.
carry the fight to them on every the leaders had spoken Ono interesting exception was issue, said a Stalinist spokes. The result of the test vote was the resolution that was adopted man, and force a vote to see 305 to 293. Thus the Hillman. condemning fascism, nazism and where things stand.
ites won a close victory where communism. To this, for the first However, this was not done. they might well have been routed time, in a CIO convention the The Lewis Stalinist leaders the Responsible for this was. 1) Stalinists took exception, demandnext morning made an agreement Lewis from the national office ed the floor, opposed it vigor.
with the Hillman leaders for a had sent down word urging that ously and rose against it on test vote on the constitutional both sides avoid controversial na standing vote.
a The Hillmanites provisions for electing the state tional issues, thus taking away jeeringly replied that what was board, and thus made this the from his group in the convention good enough for the national CIO major question of the convention. their strongest weapon. 2) The was good enough for them, refer.
The Hillmanites proposed that cowardice and stupidity of the ring to the fact that the Stalin.
they be permitted to continue the state Lewis Stalinist leaders who ists at the national convention on the state board from various out on a machine, non program had all voted for the same resolusections of the Amalgamated and matie basis. 3) The fact that the tion.
the textile union, although other unions are not permitted more than one or two representatives Attention New York!
from any international. This would mean control of the board by the Hillmanites. Real Blow Out The Stalinists countered this by demanding only one represent Nsw Years Eve Celebration ative from each international, And then, instead of exposing Germania Hall Hillman real aims of capitula3rd Avenue and 16th Street New York City tion to the AFL, instead of a programmatic assault which Auspices: SOCIALIST WORKERS PARTY would have won support. the StalSet Back: Ninety one cents insts confined themselves to such The Real Mystery Behind the Hitler Molotov Interview On his mysterious visit to Hitler, Molotov was accompanied by more than fifty hand picked individuals. Not one of these specialists participated inany conference whatsoever. The sole duty of the squad was to guard Molotov. It is rumored in authoritative circles that several guards stood with drawn pistols even at Molotov bedside. Now the question is: Just who arranged for this body guard and why? Was it Molotov himself because he mistrusted Hitler? Or did he mistrust another and more intimate collaborator his comrade in the Kremlin? Or was the guard supplied by Stalin to make sure that his Minister of Foreign Affairs and President of the Council of People Commissars reached his appointed destination and returned home intact (to be disposed of at a future date) instead of taking it on the lam once the frontier was crossed? Or was it simply that Stalin wanted Molotov to feel at home in a strange country?