SOCIALIST APPEAL MAY 25, 1940 GM Bolder Under CHI. MILKMEN The War Negro Question Drive Impetus ON PICKET LINE ONCE AGAIN IBEW PICKETS CON EDISON POWER PLANT Roosevelt Ready To Spike WalshHealey Act 15 wage cut, but got nowhere. LABOR WITH ALL ITSELF. WHITE SKIN the bosses posted a notice on all CANNOT AROR WITH BLACK barns that beginning with May WHERES BRANDED. KARL SKIN 20, the basic wage would be lowMARX ered to 40 per week an cut This constituted a lockout, which the workers answered with militant strike action. Continued from Page 1) at this belated date, in the face by Robert Birchman The milk drivers are fighting a intense this week that the union of the rank and file demands for battle whose outcome is imporTypical of a great deal of the editorial com was forced to issue a special let immediate negotiations for the (Continued from Page 1) tant for other unions too. The (Continued from Page 1)
by FARRELL DOBBS The 89 companies which have Pop and Bakery drivers of Chi securities, amount to 1, 083, 203, ment in the Negro press last week was that in the ter to the membership warning 30 hour week at 40 hours pay in Roosevelt addressed a joint session of the May 18 Pittsburgh Courier, biggest Negro news against the company conspiracy GM, the UAW leaders, aided and already signed with the union cago are still being stalled on 468. It is one of the wealthiest United States Congress on May 16, beating the paper. drums for a bigger and better armament proThe total war has started.
We are now seeing an immense worldwide strations and actions which could like Emil Mazey. President officient milk for the city by work bosses await the results of the The income from the sale of elecgram. The last echoes of his speech had hardly milk strike. Philip Hanna, editricity for the twelve month peronly weaken the union at this Briggs Local No. 212, are trying ing overtime.
faded before the hounds of big business, hot on struggle of rival imperialists and oppressors to time.
to use the Ford campaign as a The milk drivers were out on tor of the Chicago Journal of iod, ending March 31, 1940, was the scent of greater war profits, were baying decide which will rule and exploit the rich cover for their inaction and cow strike during May 2, when the commerce, addressing three hun. 199, 041, 450 almost ten million loudly in the halls of Congress.
tropie lands and the half billion black and Membership Not Informed ardly policy in GM.
bosses attempted to introduce a dred bosses at the Sioux city dollars more than in the previous Full of patriotic zeal, the bosses are more than brown folk who inhabit them.
The waves of unrest created by Along the line of this miserable 25 wage cut of the 48 wage. Traffic Club on May 8, singled out twelve months. The company re anxious to build planes, guns, tanks and all the is not a war between dictatorship and the company campaign of intim attempt a meeting of all local Forced to follant perime te tina the Chicago milik drivers for a ported that the profits for that other engines of death and sell them to the govdemocracy ernment. But they want no interference with So far as darker peoples are concerned, one the secrecy with which Hillman called last Tuesday night for the the men went back to work with Attending the meeting were period of operation was 37, 045, their profits.
side is no more democratie than the other.
and Murray and the others have purpose of preparing the Ford a guarantee of the 48 wage scale trucking bosses from Omaha, The profits Roosevelt has been quick to oblige. Adminlow paid to the Istration officials and Congressional commitvoice in Parliament than Germany Jews have tions, but the GM workers have speakers at this meeting spent cluded. The truce under which Minneapolis, and other cities. workers. The increased profits altees are preparing legislation which will repeal In the Reichstag.
the limitations on profits and, at the same not even received assurance that their time lambasting Homer they went back to work provided. They are watching the milk so came from the Edison ComFrance African subjects have no more volte time, vold the main provisions of the Walshthe company will be submitted to as the old pre war Republican gotiations, the differences be sub paign to reduce the present driv sale of gas and electricity. Con Healey Act and the Wage Hour Act.
in their government than the average Negro in the Southern States.
The Walsh Healey Act forbids the issuance of the membership for their ratifica politicians, who, to cover their mitted to arbitration.
own treachery, used to wave the The union membership at a cities if the strike is lost. That is sumers are charged far more government contracts to employers unless they Belgium vast Congo region, big as all of tion.
This uncertainty and unrest in bloody shirt and kept on fighting meeting May rejected the pro why the fight of the Chicago milk than is warranted by the cost of our South, has 13, 000, 000 black folk who dare the ranks of the auto workers the Civil War far into the 20th vision for arbitration. In the ne drivers is a national issue, and production, but the workers get pay the prevailing wage. The unions have been able to make use of it in protecting union wage not mention the word democracy.
have been turned into positive century.
gotiations the bosses demanded must be supported by the entire none of the gravy.
the immediate installation of a labor movement.
The Edison Company has got rates in some industries and in establishing the Italy still stamps on the liberties of 15, 000, ten the aid of Thurman Arnold, 40 hour week. The Wage Hour Act calls at pre000 black folk in Ethiopia, Eritrea, Libya and dismay, and fierce anger this week by Split Among Leaders statement of Presiwho has been smashing down on sent for a minimum wage rate of 30c per hour Somaliland.
dent Thomas that he is defy This top leadership is split into Then, dropping all criticism Local in the guise of trust and a maximum work week of 42 hours.
In the Netherlands East Indies, where ten ing the instructions of the rank two basic groups, with a bitter, The Impartial government is preparing to cents a day is a good wage, all the many na and file and is not demanding the deep. going division between the war preparations, Lewis tola busting. If there is any trust the Amalgamated convention: It busting to be done, it is the Edi revise legislation affecting the war industries so tive leaders are in exile or in their graves, and 30 hour week at 40 hours pay them that threatens to flare up that both capital and labor will have a free the 60, 000, 000 serfs are crushed under a dieta from GM.
is publicly known that labor is son Company that under the rules into a bitter conflict at the comof the Sherman Anti trust law itfully in accord with the necessity Self, should be busted wide open!
ing convention.
hand capital to make unlimited profits and torship which makes Hitler rule of Poland labor to work longer hours Militant Back 80 Hour Week of national defense. Lewis raised Here is more: The Board of seem benevent by comparison.
Thomas is president of the unonly one question: The top officialdom of both the AFL and the Portugal, the worst of all colonizers because The South Fisher program for ion today, but at least three othDirectors of the Edison Company CIO have steered a deliberate course away from Wil labor be given a voice in have voted themselves some pretthe least intelligent and competent, is a stooge the 30 hour week at 40 hours payer International Board members independent working class action. Instead, they the determination of national de ty fancy salaries. Too fancy, in relied upon the friends of labor in the governfense policies and in the discus fact. For on March 21, 1940, the ly follows, to the great detriment of her black senting about 7, 000 workers, was er, Frankensteen and Addes. Do sion of national defense produc. Appellate Division of the New ment apparatus. They hailed the passage of the subjects.
supported immediately in mem these other men differ with (Continued from Page 1) tion? If not, why not? Who is York State Supreme Court conWalsh Healey Act and the Wage Hour Act, The United States, which preens itself as bership meetings by Flint Chev. Thomas on program or union among others, as proof of the wisdom of this On Feb. 10, praising resolutions more entitled to a voice? If the victed the Directors of the Com policy. This leadership sought to curb militant the champion of democracy, denies it to its rolet Local No. 659 and Flint principles. The unscrupulous Stalinist against loans to Finland, and de country wants the cooperation of pany of misappropriation of class struggle action by the trade unions in strike dark millions, and refuses to even protect them Buick Local No. 599, both locals together representing approxi fight with the so called Lewis who had characterized the reso for war, and in the event of war minority group of stockfrom lynching, discrimination and segregation.
struggles against the employers and denounced all efforts of the workers to establish their own Yes, it is a total war, and dark folk are the Other locals in Pontiac and men Thomas and Reuther. What lutions as twaddle, Lewis said to do the necessary dying in the holders brought out in the suit independent political party.
stakes.
Those resolutions are sym: cooperation on policies?
Now the mass production workers in the war If this total war destroys white civilization, also given assurance of support groups of men on union princi bolic of what is in the hearts not little present of 155, 900 to Mat industries find that their friend Roosevelt there are hundreds of millions of people in to the South Fisher resolution ples? None!
only of the young men and wo Even imperial England had to thew Sloan when he retired in and their friends in Congress are stepping Africa and Asia who will not mourn Pontiac Yellow Coach Local No. The auto workers, the most men of America, but of prae come to it, and surely democratic 1932. It was revealed that, in re away from all responsibility to which they preBut some of the Negro papers have already be 594 was the first in the City of militant union men in the Amertically every citizen. They rep America can give labor adequate cent years, the investment bank viously committed themselves.
gun to talk like their white masters. The May 18 Pontiac to go on record for the ican labor movement, are reach resent the constant and the representation.
ing house of Morgan, Stanley, The trade union workers, following the false Afro American of Baltimore was saying: We fighting program of the 30 hour ing out for a basic solution to conscious and unconscious fears In other words, Lewis wants and Co. has handled as principal advice of their national leadership, depended upon have the choice of jumping in while the Nazis week.
their economic insecurity. They that, in some way, the politic no more than the British Labor underwriter, all Consolidated Edi Roosevelt. He has double crossed them again.
are hard pressed, or waiting until Adolf sits on Already, therefore, a solid blocare demanding militant action to lans and statesmen of this Party bureaucrats got a few son financing. Since 1985, this They must now overcome their delusions and pretop of the world, and then fight him by ourselves. of local unions, representing at win the 30 hour week at 40 hours country and the warring world seats in the cabinet, in ex underwriting amounted to 401. pare for an independent struggle against the. Peace at any price is as unthinkable today as least 40, 000 GM workers have pay! They know that the corpor will in some fashion drag our change for which they redouble 747, 000; tens of millions of dol bosses.
in 1914. we must fight to preserve what Pres made it clear that they support ations will in the next couple of country into the war, and it their efforts for they were al lars of which went into the pock Roosevelt has already anticipated that this ident Roosevelt calls our culture and our civiliza the South Fisher resolution and months attempt to insure im a protest.
ready supporting the war toets of the House of Morgan struggle will be made. The demand of Conthat they the 30 hour week mense war profits, by attempts to And he repeat these anti drag every last worker in to It is the same old story come gressman Martin Dies, public pigeon numWho is that we and our that the Afro not in the vague and distant fu smash the union, drag down wage war, anti Roosevelt sentiments on death to light again. The bosses get the ber one, that special funds be appropriated to American is talking about? Is the only choice for ture, but in the next agreement. levels, and increase the hours of succeeding occasions. until the Negro masses the choice between two slave The faint hearted International work. The ranks feel that unless Roosevelt war drive got under Green did before him. The bu ers do get more, when they do Lewis has come to heel, as to chew on. And when the workgravy: the workers, a bare bone investigate Fifth Column activities in the war industries, is the first step in a strikemasters? If those are the only two alternatives, leadership of Thomas Co. try they inaugurale aggressive ac full steam last week.
reaucracies of the AFC and the get a little meat on the bone, breaking program. The Fifth Column which the Negroes might as well commit suicide. But ing desperately to find an excuse tion while there is time and while Roosevelt Dies really have in mind is none CIO, just as the Gompers leader down comes the hammer of the other than the militant workers who will stand they note Alternatives at all, they are the same mandate of the membership, is be in a position to withstand the know that the Ford workers ship in 1917, will be recruiting capitalist system and Local is up and for their rights.
thing. The other choice is for the Negroes to now trying to drag out the red terrific corporation offensive that must have their confidence indicted for operating in re The struggle of the workers will become in join with militant white workers and the colonial herring of the Ford Drive. will inevitably come with high stored in the UAW CIO, by show That means that the fight straint of trade. creasingly difficult. Roosevelt will intervene more peoples against all their oppressors. If millions But they have had opportuni gear war production.
ing them that the union is forg against the war and for labor Consolidated Edison workers! and more openly on the side of the bosses. Vicf us are to die, then let us die fighting for free ties to organize Ford for over a They also know that you can ing ahead. And the way to forge rights will have to be waged in Help your brothers on the picket tory for the workers lies only in militant trade dom and not for the bosses, fascist or demo year and a half, and they have not organize Ford by a lot of bal ahead is to fight and get the 30 spite of and against the labor line! Support their strike for bet union action, and independent political action of done nothing about it. Only now, lyhoo and empty gestures. They hour week at 40 hours pay. bureaucrats.
ter hours, better wages!
the workers through their own party.
LEWIS WANTS SHARE IN FDR hele legate de colores colonial police the a to WAR DRIVE lower pay.
tion.
cratie.
The Struggle for a Proletarian Party retire. Now, must tell you, dear friend, that think he is suffering, quently observed that people unconsciously seek to rationalize from the intellectual soul sickness. Who can cure that? If he their personal difficulties and contradictions in the form of hastily were completely identified with a group of worker Bolsheviks, and arrived at political differences with the party. said that if we could be brought under the influence of their spirit in day to day could feel sure that Burnham was really one of us, if he would struggle, one could have more hope. But there the rub. He does show some sign of determination on his part to resolve his perBy JAMES CANNON not really feel himself to be one of us. Party work, for him, is not sonal contridictions and come to work in the revolutionary moveNational Secretary, a vocation but an avocation. He is not in a position to travel the ment in earnest in that case we could have much more ground country, to take part in the action of our comrades in the field, to hope that the political differences between us would eventually to live with them, and learn from them, and come under their be overcome in the course of comradely discussion and common (This is the last of a series of articles by Comrade the convention deliberations. Our comrades engaged in trade union influence in his personal life. His social environment is entirely work Cannon, to acquaint our readers with the party estimate of work are securing modest successes in an unexpected number of different. You know very well that the academic world of the Shortly after the convention Burnham requested that Shachtthe dispute which arose in the party, was debated in a seven places. And it is in precisely these places where the party is going real, as well as the pseudo, intellectuals, is weighted down now with man and meet him at lunch away from the office to discuss a months discussion, and was settled by a decisive majority at forward, drawing in new members, and where the spirit of revo the heavy pessimism in general, and with a new skepticism about very important matter. At this meeting he told us that a comthe Third National Convention, April 9. lutionary optimism prevails.
everything. Without his really comprehending it, Comrade him rade, who had attended the Minneapolis discussion, had reported The general pessimism and spirit of defeatiam, so strong self is affected by this pressure of his daily environment. Combin my remarks to him. He emphasized, however, that it had been now in the circles of intellectualistic and de classed radicals, afthis with a great tendency on his part to deprecate his party co done in good faith and with the best of intentions. expressed my The Case of Burnham fects our organization primarily in New York. Here, it must be workers, and to resist the idea of being influenced or taught any regret that the question had been put to him in such a point blank admitted, the social composition is not of the best, and that ex thing, even by our international comrades, and you can see the fashion before he might be ready to give an answer. However, Shachtman and worked hand in hand in this period, jointly plains many things. As for the real workers, the harsh exigencies problem doesn promise any easy solution.
the fat was in the fire, and there was nothing to do but face the defending the program of the Fourth International on the Rusof the daily struggle do not permit them to speculate too much must say that sensed for a long time the coming of this issue.
sian question and jointly defending the regime. At that time, on the sad state of the world, and they have no place whither to personal crisis that is what it really is of Comrade know, Burnham stated frankly that he wasn sure but that might with the knowledge and participation of Shachtman, wrote a as we all do, that the Revolutionary Party devours men. Demands be right in my assumption that in his political disputes with letter about the question of Burnham to Comrade Crux. con feel reasonably sure that the convention will be a success everything and repels flirtations. By all rights, now, Comrade sider it necessary now to publish this letter. think it will conhe was simply rationalizing his personal contradictions. He said vince any objective comrade of at least two points: 1) That the it was a real contradiction, that he recognized it, and that he was from the point of view of organizing and stimulating our mass having established himself as one of the most prominent leaders work, and pointing the whole activity of the party in this direc of the party, and bearing in mind the party indispensable need not yet ready to solve it definitively.
Instead of plunging deeper conflict with Burnham, which has reached the present state of tion. At the same time, of course, we will not slur over the of a more active professional staff, should be preparing himself, irreconcilability, was clearly foreshadowed more than two years into party work, he wanted more time to consider the matter, and at least, to become a functionary, with all that it implies. When wanted to be released for the next period from all party duties ago: 2) That personally wanted to do everything possible to principled disputes. have had several talks with Comrade Shachtman on this matter. We are fully agreed, and firmly resolved, returned from California last spring, had the hope that he would except his regular literary work. We discussed the matter in a maintain good relations with him and to preserve him for the revolutionary movement. Here quote my letter to Comrade Crux to fight for a clear and unambiguous Bolshevik answer to every in full: question. We hope at the same time to conduct this uncompro him that with our break from the , the should take cested the trendly way we didn give him any bureaucratic orders; we acDecember 16, 1987 mising fight in such a manner, and in such a tone, as to avoid any office of national secretary. His failure to react to this suggestion serious disruption of personal comradely relations. We can re at that time, although there was then no trace of serious differ 20, 1938 record the official disposition of the matter as follows: The minutes of the political committee meeting for January Dear Comrade Crux, strain ourselves in this respect to the utmost because we are asences, filled me with mingivings for the future. Cannon: Reports that Comrade Burnham, in the next period. The trip to Minneapolis took two weeks out of my schedule sured of the firm support of the overwhelming majority of the have written you this extremely frank opinion because wants to concentrate his work for the party on writing for the at a very awkward time the eve of the convention. Nevertheless, party, and in particular of the worker Bolsheviks.
think it is necessary for you to know the nature of the problem, magazine and paper.
it was worthwhile. From all indications we succeeded, not Regarding the suggestion that comrade should be invited as see it. Perhaps on that basis you can make suggestions or Motion by Cannon: For the next period we consider Comrade only in frustrating the frame up game of the Stalinists, but in to visit you, both Max and are of the opinion that this is totally proposals which will help both us and Comrade in finding a dealing them a very heavy blow in the trade union movement, excluded before the convention. In truth, am very doubtful Burnham work to be specifically literary and editorial and that common language and a common path.
especially. In this case they counter posed themselves, not merely whether it will be feasible after the convention. We must wait Comradely, he be exempted from routine sub committee work. Carried.
to the Trotskyites as a group, but to the organized labor move and see the outcome of the convention.
If some worker in the party, who is denied exemption from ment of Minneapolis. The results were devastating for them. And feel it my duty to write you in complete frankness about this (signed) Cannon distasteful duties, reads this extract from the minutes of the must admit we helped the natural process along.
matter, and do so with full confidence that my remarks will From this letter it is evident that my opinion of the petty Political Committee he may indeed draw certain conclusions about Our comrades in Minneapolis were on the offensive all along remain with you and your immediate co workers.
bourgeois attitude of Burnham was not suddenly formulated at the the existence of second class citizens in the party. But he will the line. And it appears to me their position in the trade union We do not want to do or say anything that would tend to outbreak of the present factional struggle. The intellectual soul not find any evidence that our foremost party intellectual was movement is stronger than ever. Nationally, also, think we came been porcinat e larta an. Both over everything ins long you placed in this category. Incidentally, it can be learned from this relations. Both Max and are going as far as pos sickness that is the petty bourgeois sickness.
But that is not yet the whole story. Shortly prior to the writ account that the famous New Year meeting on the auto camin his radio speech, referred to the Minneapolis frame up, is some not a matter of blurring principled lines. But that is just the nubling of the above letter had occasion to be in Minneapolis (at the paign was not the only occasion when formal decisions of the what of an indication that our campaign recorded itself in the of matter. It appears to us that Comrade is undertaking time of the Corcoran murder) as mentioned in the letter to Crux.
were prepared beforehand in informal discussions. There were minds of a fairly wide circle of people who follow the developments to revolt from fundamental principles in general, and not only on There had a discussion with a group of leading comrades about many such occasions and there will be many more in the future.
the labor movement.
the Russian question.
the disputes in the party and about the situation in the leading It is the normal method of any serious collective leadership. now hope to be able to concentrate all my time and atten As the convention approaches, we come more and more into committee in New York. These comrades, whom the opposition What changed since then? What happened to break off all tion on the preparations for the convention. am completely conflict over the conception of the party. The questions of democ ists now depict as ignorant intellectual haters, emphasized very personal and political collaboration and eventually bring us optimistic about it. know that the active membership throughout racy. centralism, irreconcilability, stubborn resistance against the stream be conducted in such a way as not to antagonize him course today is the same as it was then. Burnham moved steadily to me in this discussion their desire that the dispute with to the present situation. my part, nothing changed; my the country, especially those engaged in mass work, and they are infiltration of alien moods and theories, the necessity of a brutal by no means few in number, are looking to the convention with offensive against the intellectualistic calamity howlers, defeatists, unnecessarily; or to weaken unduly his position in the party, in an opposite direction. And Shachtman, soon after the conversagreat expectations and enthusiasm.
and belly achers in general on all these questions, which, in the They made it clear that they valued his abilities very highly tion recorded above, began to shift over into the orbit of Burn We plan to orient the convention along lines of our present situation spell the meaning of Bolshevism, we come more and wished assurances of comradely treatment for him that would ham. We drifted apart and now stand in opposite camps. Burngeneral perspectives and tasks, and our concrete work in the and more into profound, if politely conducted dispute. In such a facilitate his continued functioning as a party leader after the ham, as his article Science and Style testifies, has broken comtrade unions, putting the dispute over the Russian question in time as this, when we must take arms against the world of en convention pletely with Marxism and Bolshevism and the proletarian revoits proper proportions. The comrades in the field are up in arms emies and disintegrating factors, Comrade is greatly handi assured them of my readiness to comply with their wishes lution. Shachtman, who yesterday defended Bolshevism against at the perspective, indicated by the internal discussion bulletins, capped by his background, his environment, and his training. in this respect. expressed the opinion, however, that the real Burnham, today defends Burnham against Bolshevism. Let them that the convention might resolve itself merely into a discussion of He has a strong character, and of his ability, need not speak, trouble with Burnham was not so much his mistaken political try to explain these developments by references to the bureaucratthe Russian question but it seems to me, that the disputes arising from the Russian position as the more fundamental conflict between his bourgeois ism of Cannon and the machinations of a clique. These are sim It has been decided that should make the trade union re question, and now from other questions, are not primarily or, personal life and the increasingly exacting demands the party ply excuses invented after the fact. All my efforts, as believe port with the objective of raising this question to first place in better, not fundamentally intellectual or theoretical must make upon leader. In such cases, told them, had fre have demonstrated, were exerted toward a different end. think