SOCIALIST APPEAL APRIL 13, 1940 Page Resolutions On Organization Adopted by the Convention RESOLUTION ON DISCIPLINE (ADOPTED BY THE CONVENTION)
Having heard the declaration made to the convention by the representative of the minority to the effect that, regardless of the decision of the convention, the minority will publisha paper of its own in opposition to the press of the party, the convention states: The threat is an attempt of a petty bourgeois minority to impose its will upon the party in opposition to the principles of democratie centralism which alone can assure the unity of a revolutionary combat party. The convention categorically rejects the ultimatum of the minority and declares that any attempt on the part of any individual or group to execute it and to issue or distribute any publication in opposition to the official press of the party is incompatible with membership in the party. All party organizations are instructed to expel from the party any member or members violating this convention decision, The National Committee or its Political Committee are empowered and instructed by the convention to expel any regular or alter nate member or members of the or who may participate in any such violation. The or the is instructed to immediately expel and reorganize any party unit or executive committee failing to act promptly in the execution of the above instructions in regard to any member or members under its jurisdiction who may violate the convention decisions.
attrabele (ADOPTED BY THE CONVENTION)
CANNON REPORTS ON ORGANIZATION THE ORGANIZATION PRINCIPLES UPON WHICH THE PARTY WAS FOUNDED The third convention of the Socialist Workers Party reaffirms the resolution adopted by the Founding Convention of the On the Internal Situation and the Character of the Party. as follows: The Socialist Workers Party is a revolutionary Marxian party, based on a definite program, whose aim is the organization of the working class in the struggle for power and the transformation of the existing social order. All of activities, its methods and its internal regime are subordinated to this aim and are designed to serve it.
Only a self acting and critical minded membership is capable of forging and consolidating such a party and of solving its problems by collective thought, discussion and experience. From this follows the need of assuring the widest party democracy in the ranks of the organization.
The struggle for power organized and led by the revolutionary party is the most ruthless and irreconcilable struggle in all history. loosely knit, heterogeneous, undisciplined, untrained organization is utterly incapable of accomplishing such world historical tasks as the proletariat and the revolutionary party are confronted with in the present era. This is all the more emphatically true in the light of the singularly difficult position of our party and the extraordinary persecution to which it is subject. From this follows the party unconditional demand upon all its members for complete discipline in all the public activities and actions of the organization, Leadership and centralized direction are indispensable prerequisites for any sustained and disciplined action, especially in the party that sets itself the aim of leading the collective efforts of the proletariat in its struggle against capitalism.
Without a strong and firm Central Committee, having the power to act promptly and effectively in the name of the party and to supervise, coordinate and direct all its activities without exception, the very idea of a revolutionary party is a meaningless jest It is from these considerations, based upon the whole of the experience of working class struggle throughout the world in the last century, that we derive the Leninist principle of organization, namely, democratic centralism. The same experience has demonstrated that there are no absolute guarantees for the preservation of the principle of democratic centralism, and no rigid formule that can be set down in advance, a priori, for the 701 application of it under any and all circumstances. Proceeding from certain fundamental conceptions, the problem of applying the principle of democratic centralism differently under different National Secretary of the Socialist Workers Party Reportconditions and stages of development of the struggle, can be ing on Problems of Party Organization at the Convention.
solved only in relation to the concrete situation, in the course Sitting Below Him is Farrell Dobbs, National Labor Secretary of the tests and experience through which the movement passes, of the and on the basis of the most fruitful and healthy inter relationship of the leading bodies of the party and its rank and file. its program and denies admission to those who reject its pro gram.
The Responsibilities of Leadership The rights of each individual member, as set forth above, do The leadership of the party must be under the control of the not imply that the membership as a whole, namely, the party membership, its policies must always be open to criticism, disitself, does not possess rights of its own. The party as a whole cussion and rectification by the rank and file within properly has the right to demand that its work be not disrupted and disestablished forms and limits, and the leading bodies themselves organized, and has the right to take all the measures which it subject to formal recall or alteration. The membership of the finds necessary to assure its regular and normal functioning, party has the right to demand and expect the greatest respon The rights of any individual member are distinctly secondary sibility from the leaders precisely because of the position they to the rights of the party membership as a whole. Party demococcupy in the movement. The selection of comrades to the posi racy means not only the most scrupul ection of the rights tions of leadership means the conferring of an extraordinary of a given minority, but also the protection of the rule of the responsibility. The warrant for this position must be proved, majority. The party is therefore entitled to organize the discusnot once, but continuously by the leadership itself. It is under sion and to determine its forms and limits.
obligation to set the highest example of responsibility, devotion, All inner party discussion must be organized from the point sacrifice and complete identification with the party itself and its of view that the party is not a discussion club, which debates daily life and action. It must display the ability to defend its interminably on any and questions at any and all times, policies before the membership of the party, and to defend the without arriving at a binding decision that enables the organizaline of the party and the party as a whole before the working tion to act, but from the point of view that we are a disciplined class in general.
party of revolutionary action. The party in general not only has Sustained party activity, not broken or disrupted by abrupt the right, therefore, to organize the discussion in accordance and disorienting changes, presupposes not only a continuity of with the requirements of the situation, but the lower units of tradition and a systematic development of party policy, but also the party must be given the right, in the interests of the the continuity of leadership. It is an important sign of a serious struggle against the disruption and disorganization of the party and firmly constituted party, of a party really engaged in pro work, to call irresponsible individuals to order and, if need be, ductive work in the class struggle, that it throws up out of its to eject them from the ranks.
ranks cadres of more or less able leading comrades, tested for The decisions of the national party convention are binding their qualities of endurance and trustworthiness, and that it on all party members without exception and they conclude the thus insures a certain stability and continuity of leadership by discussion on all these disputed questions upon which a decision such a cadre.
has been taken. Any party member violating the decisions of Continuity of leadership does not, however, signify the auto the convention, or attempting to revive discussion in regard to matic self perpetuation of leadership. Constant renewal of its them without formal authorization of the party, puts himself ranks by means of additions and, when necessary, replacements, thereby in opposition to the party and forfeits his right to memis the only assurance that the party has, that its leadership will bership. All party organizations are authorized and instructed to not succumb to the effects of dry rot, that it will not be burdened take any measures necessary to enforce this rule.
with deadwood, that it will avoid the corrosion of conservatism and dilettantism, that it will not be the object of conflict between II.
the older elements and the younger, that the old and basic cadre will be refreshed by new blood, that the leadership as a whole THE ORGANIZATIONAL CONCLUSIONS will not become purely bureaucratic committee men with a life OF THE PRESENT DISCUSSION that is remote front the real life of the party and the activities of the rank and file.
The Bolshevik party of Lenin is the only party in history which successfully conquered and held state power. The Responsibilities of Membership as a combat organization, which aims at achieving power in this country, models its organization forms and methods after those Like leadership, membership itself in the party implies certain of the Russian Bolshevik party, adapting them, naturally, to definite rights. Party membership confers the fullest freedom of the experience of recent years and to concrete American condidiscussion, debate and criticism inside the ranks of the party, tions.
limited only by such decisions and provisions as are made by the The as a revolutionary workers party is based on the party itself or by bodies to which it assigns this function. Affili doctrines of Scientific Socialism as embodied in the principal ation to the party confers upon each member the right of being works of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Trotsky and incorporated in democratically represented at all policy making assemblies of the basic documents and resolutions of the first four Congresses the party (from branch to national and international convention. of the Communist International and of the Conferences and Conand the right of the final and decisive vote in determining the gresses of the Fourth International.
program, policies and leadership of the party.
The rejects the contention of social democrats, skepWith party rights, the membership has also certain definite tics and capitulators disillusioned in the Russian revolution, that obligations. The theoretical and political character of the party is there is an inevitable and organic connection between Bolshevism determined by its program, which form the lines delimiting the and Stalinism. This reactionary revision of Marxism is a capiturevolutionary party from all other parties, groups and tendencies lation to democratic imperialism. It is capable of producing only in the working class. The first obligation of party membership demoralization and defeat in the critical times of war and revolu.
is loyal acceptance of the program of the party and regular affilition ation to one of the basic units of the party. The party requires The rise of reaction on a world scale, accompanied and proof every member the acceptance of its discipline and the carry duced by the disastrous course of Stalinism in the working class ing on of his activity in accordance with the program of the party, with the decisions adopted by its conventions, and with movement, has catapulted all centrist groups and parties (Lovestoneites, Socialist party, London Bureau) away from Bolshevisin the policies formulated and directed by the party leadership, and in the direction of social democracy. In whole or in part, Party membership implies the obligation of one hundred percent loyalty to the organization, the rejection of all agents of all of these groups attempt to identify Bolshevism with Stalinism.
Without exception these groups are all in a state collapse and other, hostile groups in its ranks, and intolerance of divided loyalties in general. Membership in the party necessitates a minpassing over to the side of the class enemy imum of activity in the organization, as established by the proper Petty Bourgeoisie Transmits Skepticism unit, and under the direction of the party; it necessitates the fulfillment of all the tasks which the party assigns to each member This tendency (Souvarinism) has manifested itself in leading Party membership implies the obligation upon every member to circles of our party (Burnham) and in certain sections of the membership. Their skeptical criticisms of Bolshevism express contribute materially to the support of the organization in accordance with his means.
their petty bourgeois composition and their dependence on bourgeois public opinion. The petty bourgeoisie is a natural transmission belt carrying the theories of reaction into the organizaA Party of Revolutionary Workers tions of the working class.
From the foregoing It follows that the party seeks to include Those who seek to identify Bolshevism with Stalinism concern in its ranks all the revolutionary, class conscious and militant themselves with a search for guarantees against the Stalinist workers who stand on its program and are active in building degeneration of the party and the future Soviet power. We reject the movement in a disciplined manner. The revolutionary Marx this demand for insurance as completely undialectical and unparty rejects not only the arbitrariness and bureaucratism realistic. Our party, in the first instance, is concerned with the of the Communist party, but also the spurious and deceptive struggle for state power, and therefore with creating a party all inclusiveness of the Thomas Tyler Hoan Socialist party, organization capable of leading the proletarian struggle to this which is a sham and a fraud. Experience has proved conclusively goal. There are no consitutional guarantees which can prevent that this all inclusiveness paralyzes the party in general and degeneration. Only the victorious revolution can provide the and the revolutionary left wing in particutar, suppressing and necessary preconditions for preventing the degeneration of the bureaucratically hounding the latter while giving free rein to party and the future Soviet power. If the party falls to carry the right wing to commit the greatest crimes in the name of through and extend the revolution the degeneration of the party socialism and the party. The seeks to be inclusive only is inevitable.
in this sense: that it accepts into its ranks those who accept Insofar as any guarantees are possible against the degeneration of the proletarian. party, these can be obtained only by educating the party in firm adherence to principles and by a merciless struggle against all personal and unprincipled clique combinations within the party. The outstanding example of this clique formation is the Abern group which is based solely on personal loyalties and on rewards of honor and place within the party for those whose primary loyalty is to the clique. The history of the Fourth International in this country amply reveals that such a clique, with its utter disregard for principles, can become the repository for alien class influences and agents of enemy organizations seeking to disrupt the Fourth International from within. The condemns the Abern clique as hostile to the spirit and methods of Bolshevik organization.
REVOLUTIONARY CENTRALISM To overthrow the most powerful capitalist ruling class in the world, the must be organized as a combat party on strong centralist lines. The resolution adopted at the founding convention, gave correct interpretation of the principle of democratic centralism. Its emphasis was placed on the democratic aspects of this principle. The party leadership has faithfully preserved vention. It has granted the widest latitude of discussion to all dissenting groups and individuals. The duty of the incoming National Committee is to execute the decisions of the convention, arrived at after the most thorough and democratic discussion, and to permit o infringement upon them.
Conditions, both external and in the internal development of the party, demand that steps now be taken towards knitting the party together, towards tightening up its activities and centralizing its organization structure. For the work of penetrating into the workers mass movement, for the heavy struggles to come against capitalism, for the onerous conditions of war, it is imperative that a maximum of loyalty be required of every leader and every member, that a maximum of activity be required, that a strict adherence to discipline be demanded and rigidly enforced.
THE PRESS The party press is the decisive public agitational and propagandist expression of the Bolshevik organization. The policies of the press are formulated on the basis of the fundamental res.
olutions of the congresses and conferences of the International, the conventions of the party, and decisions of the National Committee not in conflict with such resolutions. Control of the press is lodged directly in the hands of the National Committee by the convention of the party. The duty of the editors is loyally to interpret the decisions of the convention in the press.
Control of Public Discussion The opening of the party press to discussion of a point of view contrary to that of the official leadership of the party or of its programmatic convention decisions must be controlled by the National Committee which is obligated to regulate discussion of this character in such a way as to give decisive emphasis to the party line. It is the right and duty of the National Committee to veto any demand for public discussion if it deems such discussion harmful to the best interests of the party.
The petty bourgeois opposition in our party demonstrates its hostility to Bolshevik organization by its demand that the minority be granted the right to transform the press into a discussion organ for diametrically opposite programs. By that method it would take the control of the press out of the hands of the National Committee and subordinate it to any temporary, anarchistic combination which can make itself heard at the moment By the same token, the demand of the petty bourgeois opposltion for an independent public organ, expounding program in opposition to that of the majority of the party, represents a complete abandonment of democratic centralism and a capitulation to the Norman Thomas type of all inclusive party which is inclusive of all tendencies except the Bolshevik. The granting of this demand for a separate organ would destroy the centralis!
character of the party, by creating dual central committees dual editorial boards, dual treasuries, dual distribution agencies divided loyalties and a complete breakdown of all discipline. Un der such conditions the party would rapidly degenerate into a social democratic organization or disappear from the scene alto gether. The convention categorically rejects the demand for dual organ.
LEADERSHIP To build the combat organization capable of conquering state power, the party must have as its general staff a corps of pro fessional revolutionists who devote their entire life to the di rection and the building of the party and its influence in the mass movement. Membership in the leading staff of the party, the National Committee, must be made contingent on a completo subordination of the life of the candidate to the party. All mem.
bers of the National Committee must devote full time activities to party work, or be prepared to do so at the demand of the National Committee.
In the struggle for power, the party demands the greatest sacrifices of its members. Only a leadership selected from among those who demonstrate in the struggle the qualities of single ness of purpose, unconditional loyalty to the party and revolu tionary firmness of character, can inspire the membership with spirit of unswerving devotion and lead the party in its struggle for power.
The party leadership must, from time to time, be infused with new blood, primarily from its proletarian sections. Workers who show promise and ability through activity the union movement and its strike struggles should be elevated to the leading committees of the party in order to establish a more direct conneetion between the leading committee and the workers movement, and in order to train the worker Bolshevik for the task of party direction itself.
The party must select from its younger members those qualified, talented and promising elements who can be trained for leadership. The road of the student youth to the party leadership must not and cannot be from the class room of the high school and college directly into the leading committee. They must first prove themselves. They must be sent without high sounding titles into working class districts for day to day work among the proletariat. The young student must serve an apprenticeship in the workers movement before he can be considered as candidate for the National Committee.
PROLETARIANIZE THE PARTY The working class is the only class in modern society that is progressive and truly revolutionary. Only the working class is capable of saving humanity from barbarism. Only a revolutionary party can lead the proletariat to the realization of this historic mission. To achieve power, the revolutionary party must be deeply rooted among the workers, it must be composed predominantly of workers and enjoy the respect and confidence of the workers.
Without such a composition it is impossible to build a programmatically firm and disciplined organization which can accomplish these grandiose tasks. party of non workers is necessarily subject to all the reactionary influences of skepticism, cynicism, soul sickness and capitulatory despair transmitted to it through its petty bourgeois environment.
To transform the into a proletarian party of action, particularly in the present period of reaction, it is not enough to continue propagandistic activities in the hope that by an automatic process workers will flock to the banner of the party. It is necessary, on the contrary, to make a concerted, determined and systematic effort, consciously directed by the leading committees of the party, to penetrate the workers movement, establish the roots of the party in the trade unions, the mass labor organizations and in the workers neighborhoods and recruit worker militants into the ranks of the party.
Steps to Proletarianize the Party To proletarianize the party, the following steps are imperative: The entire party membership must be directed towards rooting itself in the factories, mills, etc. and towards Integrating itself in the unions and workers mass organizations. Those members of the party who are not workers shall be assigned to work in labor organizations, in workers neighborhoods and with the worker fractions of the party to assist them and learn from them. All unemployed members must belong to and be active in organizations of the unemployed.
Those party members who And It impossible after a reasonable to the party worker militants shall be transferred from party membership to the rank of sympathizers. Special organizations of sympathizers may be formed for this purpose.
Above all the student and unemployed youth must be sent into industry and involved in the life and struggles of the workers. Systematie, exceptional and persistent efforts must be made to assist the integration of our unemployed youth into industry despite the restricted field of employment.
Lacking connection with the workers movement through failure or inability to get jobs in industry or membership in unions, the student and unemployed youth are subeject to terrific pressure from the petty bourgeois world. large section of the youth membership of the and adopted the program of the Fourth International, but brought with them the training and habits of the social democratic movement, which are far re.
moved from the spirit of the proletarian revolution, These student elements can transform the program of the Fourth International from the pages of books and pamphlets into living reality for themselves and for the party only by integrating themselves in the workers movement and breaking in revocably from their previous environment. Unless they follow this road they are in constant danger of slipping back into their former social democratic habits or into complete apathy and pessimism and thus be lost for the revolutionary movement. Ta attract and to hold workers in the ranks of the party, it is necessary that the internal life of the party be drastically transformed. The party must be cleansed of the discussion club atmosphere, of an irresponsible attitude towards assignments, of.
a cynical and smart aleck disrespect for the party.
Organizing Real Campaigns Party activity must be lifted out of dragging, daily routine and reorganized on the basis of campaigns which are realistically adjusted to the demands and direction of the workers movement.
These campaigns must not be sucked out of the thumb of some functionary in a party office, but must arise as a result of the connections of the party with the workers movement and the indicated direction the masses in specific situations, All party agitation campaigns, especially in the next period, must be directed primarily at those workers groups and organizations in which we are attempting to gain a foothold and attract members. General agitation addressed to the working class as a whole le or the public in general must be related to those specific aims.
The press must gear its agitation into the activity conducted among specific workers groups so as to transform the party paper from a literary organ into a workers organizer. The integration of the party into the workers movement, and the transformation of the party into a dispensable for the progress of the party. Successful achievement a proletarian organization, are inof this internal transformation is a thousand times more impor tant than any amount of empty phrases about preparation of the party for war. This transformation is, in fact, the only real preparation of the party for war, combined of course with the necessary technical adjustments in organization forms.
The must adhere to the principles and program of the Fourth International, transform itself into a democratically centralized Bolshevik organization, integrate itself into the work ers movement. On that basis, and on that basis alone, can the party meet the test of the war, survive the war and go forward to its great goal the establishment of a Workers Republic in the United States.
SUPPLEMENTARY RESOLUTION ON THE ORGANIZATION QUESTION (ADOPTED BY THE CONVENTION)
In order to assure the concentration of the party membership on practical work under the most favorable internal conditions, to safeguard the unity of the party and to provide guarantees for the party rights of the minority, the convention adopts the following special measures: The discussion in the party branches on the controversial issues is to be concluded with the convention decisions and the reports of the delegates to their branches. It may be resumed only by authorization of the National Committee In order to acquaint the party sympathizers and the radical labor public with all aspects of the disputes, and the opinions of both sides, the shall publish in symposium form the most important articles on the Russian question and the organization question. These symposia shall be jointly edited and each side may select the articles it wishes to publish. As an exceptional measure in the present circumstances, the discussion may be continued in literary form if the representa tives of either side, or both, 80 desire. Articles dealing with the theoretical scientific aspects of the disputed questions may be published in the New International. Political discussion articles are to be published in a monthly Internal Bulletin, issued by the under joint editorship of the convention majorityand mi4. The shall publish all resolutions considered by the convention, those rejected well as those adopted. Editorial comment shall be restricted to defense of the adopted positions.
The cisions of the party convention must be accepted by all under the rules of democratie centralism. Strict discipline in action is to be required of all party members, No measures are to be taken against any party member because of the views expressed in the party discussion. Nobody is obliged to renounce his opinions. There is no prohibition of factions. The minority is to be given representation in the leading party committees and assured full opportunity to participate in all phases of party work.
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