PAGE THE MILITANT SATURDAY, OCTOBER 22, 1932 LEON TROTSKY What They Say in Prague About Proletariat and Peasant War in China the United Front Centrism, the (Continued from last issue)
Thus, in China, the causes and grounds Letter to the Chinese Potts bourgeois. elements against the vanFrom the Series of Articles in the Forthcoming Book The Only Road. by Leon Trotsky 12 peasant in composition and petty tour Bolshevik Leninists CENTRISM SEEKS SUPPORT FROM THE RIGHT geois in leadership, and the workers, not Bureaucratic Centriam, as HEN THE Communist International made idealization of Kerensky here is quite astounding. When circumstances are such as to make these the peasant armles themselves as well as cannot have an independent class sp united front with the social democratic lead did Kerensky begin to fight against Kornilov? At the conflicts extremely possible and even in.
crs in 1926, wrote the central organ of the very moment when Kornilov swung the Cossack saber evitable and in addition thereto the The trade union must be built up and Holshevik. Leninists it is compelled to seek Czechoslovakia Communist party, RUDE RAVO, on over Kerensky own head, that is, on the eve of Aug abances of the proletariat are incompar. the party nuclei; the advanced workers support from the Right, from the February 27 of this year, allegedly in the name of a ust 26, 1917. On the previous day, Kerensky was ably less favorable than was the case must be educated, the proletarian guard must be fused together and must terposing them to the proletariat. The worker correspondent from the bench. it did this in still in a direct conspiracy with Kornilov with the aim From the theoretical and political side be drawn into the battle.
struggle between the two Communist factions, the Stalinists and the Bolshevik.
order to expose them before the masses of supporters, of jointly crushing the Petrograd workers and soldiers. the danger is increased manifoldasalWe must turn to all the members of Leninists bears in itself, in this manner, and at that time Trotsky was terribly opposed to it. If Kerensky began to fight against Kornilov or more consequence of the fact that the stain: the official Communist party with words an inner tendeney toward transformation Now, when the social democracy has so discredited it correctly, to offer no resistance, for a time, to the fight situation under a blanket by its slogan probable that the rank and site Commun. development of events in Chimu may draw gles, irotsky proposes the united front with its lead sheviks left him no other alternative. That Kornilov and peasants. Is it possible to conceive stalinist faction will not understand us a civil war between the peasant army led ers. Trotsky is today against the Anglo Russian Committee of 1926, but for any sort of Anglo Russian cach other and came into open conflict, was to a cer and more perfidious in essence? The epi. howl about our revolution of the pea guard led by the Lenivists.
Committee of 1932.
tain extent a surprise. That it would have to come thinking not by medium of social con Ity to the peasantry (Chernos always due entirely to the Chinese Stalinists, it of santry, perhaps even about our hostil.
Were such a tragic contlict to arise, These lines lead us right to the heart of the questo a collision between German Fascism and the social cepts, but by means of tion. In 1926, the Comintern sought to expose the democracy, could and should have been foreseen, were phrases. formalism is the basic trait of santry. Naturally, such howling win and the Stalinlsts ceased to be Commun reformist leaders with the aid of tne united front pol it only on the basis of the Italian and Polish experi bureaucracy.
icy, and that was right. But since then the social ences. Why should an agreement with Kerensky REACTIONARY ACCUSATION When prior to April 1927 we warned ist fractions and had become hostile poldemocracy has discredited itself. Before whom? against Kornilov have been concluded, and why is it betimes accused the Russian Marxists of Chiang KalShek, the foundation.
The Russian Narodniki. Populists. against the inevitable coup Etat ofitical parties, having a different class alintsts accused There are still more workers following it than the forbidden to preach, to fight for, to advocate and to ignoring the peasantry, of not carrying us of hostility to the national Chinese. However, is such perspective inevitCommunist party. This is sad but true. The task prepare an agreement with the social democratic mass on work in the villages, etc. To this revolution. The events have demonstrat able? No, do not think so at all. With of exposing the reformist leaders thus remain un organizations? Why must such agreements be de the Marxists replied, We will arouse ed who was right. The events will pro in the Stalinist fraction (the official Chiand organize the advanced workers and vide a check this time as well. The nese Communist arty) there are not solveu. It the method of the united front was good stroyed wherver they have come into being? Thats through the workers we shall arouse the Left Opposition may turn out too weak only peasant, e, pretty bourgeois tend.
in 1926, why should it be bad in 1932?
however, is just how Thälmann and Company proceed. pensants. Such in general is the only to give the events the direction in the endles, but also proletarian tendencies. Trotsky is for an Anglo Russian Committee of RUDE Pravo naturally pounced ravenously upon my conceivable road for proletarian interests of the proletariat at the present It is important in the highest degree for 1932, against the Anglo Russian Committee of 1926. words that an agreement on fighting actions may be party.
stage. But it is sufficiently srong even the Left Opposition to seek to establish In 1920, the united iront was concluded only at the made with the devil, with his grandmother and even otherwise, in during a thiet revolution to the correct way, and by depending upon the Starlists who are cel mai recome there have acted now in order to point out to the workers connections with the proletarian wing of top, between the leaders of the Soviet trade unions and the British trade unionists, not in the name of definite ers, writes the paper, you ve got to come to terins immediately the interests of the workers struggle to demonstrate to the workers and the interrelations between the propractical actions of the masses separated from cach with Grzesinski who has already shot so many of your and the peasants to the interests of the its correctness and its political insight. Starint and the peasantry in general.
other by state frontiers and social conditions, but upon comrades in arms. Come to an agreement with him national bourgeoisie. In the years of Only in this manner can a revolutionary While maintaluing its political indepenthe basis of a friendly diplomatic, pacifist evasive for he is to fight together with you against the Fasc from the proletarint to the peasantry: will it grow, become strong and take its soorartably ready to assure the united platform. During the miners strike and later the ists, with whom he hobnobs at banquets and in the e, they undertook that role which was place at the head of the national mass action While we refuse to identify the armed general strike the Anglo Russian Committee could boards of management of factories and banks. The fulalled in our country by the es. TROTSKY.
peasant detachments with the Red Army not even come together, for the Wallies pulled in two whole question is shifted here onto the plane of spuriparty. ltaa the Chinese Communist Party Prinkipo, September 22, 1932 and while we have no inclination to shut opposite directions: the Soviet trade unions strove to ous sentimentality. Such an obpection is worthy of concentrated its efforts for the last few our eyes to the fact that the Communassist the strikers, the British trade unionists sought an anarchist, an old Russian Left wing Social Revolu years in the cities, in industry. In the with the greatest possible lucidity, shall tent within the peasant movement: we In order to express my Ideas ist banner hides the petty. bourgeois conto break the strike. The substantial contributions tionist, a revolutionary pacifist or of Münzenberg railroads, had it sustained the trade sketch the following variant which is on the other hand, take an absolutely collected by the Russian workers were rejected by the himself. There isn a glimmer of Marxism in it. clear account of the tremendous revoluGeneral Council as damned gold. Only after the First of all: is it correct that Grzesinski is a work. had it, without breaking off from the Let us presume that the Chinese Left tionary democratic significance of the strike had been finally betra ved and broken did the er hangman? Absolutely correct. But wasn Ker workers, taught them to understand what opposition carries on within the nearest peasant war, we teach the workers to was occurring in the villages the share future widespread and successful work comprehend this significance and we are Anglo Russian Committee come together again to the ensky a hangman of the workers and peasants in far of the proletariat in the general correla among the industrial proletariat and at ready to do all in our power in order to scheduled banquet to exchange small talk. Thus did greater measure than Grzesinski? Nevertheless, Rude tion of forces would have been today intains the preponderant influence in its achieve the necessary military alliance the policy of the Anglo Russian Committee serve to PRAVO approves after the fact the practical agree as a matter of fact tore itself away from the continues to concentrate all its Consequently our task consists not only cover up the reformist strike breakers before the workment with Kerensky.
ing masses.
To support the hangman in every action directed it can cause injury to the pantry as forces on the Red armies and in the in not permitting the political and mill.
At the we are. regions.
quite different. In Germany the social democratic 15 just what the alliance of Stalin with Chiang Kai tinne still to remain on the sidelines, tion of the industrial centers and are ocracy that leans upon the armed peawithout organization, without leadership, brought face to face with the workers. ints but also in preparing and assuring and the Communist workers stand on the same ground. Shek consisted of. But if this same Chinese hanginan then the prensant war even if fully vic. in such a situation, in what manner with the proletarian leadership of the pensant were to find himself engaged tomorrow in a war with torious will inevitably drive into a blind the Chinese Stalinists act?
before the same danger. They mingle with each other It is not dit movement, its Red armies. in partiin factories, in trade unions, at the unemployment rethe Japanese imperialists, then practical fighting alley.
gistries, etc. It is not a question here of a word agreements of the Chinese workers with the hangman In old China every victorious peasant ficult to foresce that they will counter. cular.
hostile manner the peasant revolution was concluded by the creation army against the counter revolutionary Leunits comprehemt the political en.
platform of the leaders, but of thoroughly concrete Chiang Kai Shek would be quite permissible and even of a new dynasty, and subsequently of Trotskyists. In other words, they will vironment and the tanks that spring from The more clearly the Chinese Bolsheviktasks which are calculated to draw the mass organi duty.
a of zations directly into the struggle.
Did Grzesinski hobnob with the Fascists at banquets? movement was confined within a vicious sic the armed peasants on the advanced it, the more successfully they extend their The united front policy on a national scale is ten do not Anow, but m quite prepared to grant it. circle. Under the present conditions the Rs and the Mensheviks did in 1917: hav. persistently they put through the policy times harder than on a local scale. The united front Only, Grzesinski was subsequently obliged to sit in the peasant war by itself without the directing lost the workers, they fought might of the united front in relation to policy on an international scale is a hundred times Berlin prison, not in the name of socialism, it is true, can only parts on the power to an inner and main for their support among the official party and the peasant movement harder than on a national scale. To unite with the but only because he was loath to give up his warm bourgeois clique, some Left Kuo Min factory, the armed pensant against the they succeed not only in shielding the soldiery, inciting the barracks against the that is led by it, all the more surely will British reformists around so general a slogan as de seat to the Bonapartists and the Fascists. Had the Tang or other, a third party. etc. etc. roker Bolsheve fense of the or defense of the Chinese Communist Party openly declared at least a year ago. which in practise will differ very little and Dan, if they did not label the Bolons conflict between the proletarint and Kerensky. Tseretelli revolution from the frightfully danger.
revolution. is to talk the blue out of the clouds. In against the Fascist assassins we are prepared to fight from the Kuo Min Tang of Chiang Kai sheviks outright as counter revolutionists, the peasantry, and in ansuring the necesjointly even with Grzesinski: had it invested this for new onslaught on the workers with the involuntary agents of counter revole. olutionary classes, but also in transformShek. And this would signity in turn called them etter unconscious aids or sary united action between the two revGermany, on the contrary, there is the immediate danger of the destruction of the workers organizations, mula with a fighting character, developed it in speech weapons of democratie dictatorship. tion. The Stalinists are less choice in ing their united front into the historical the social democratic included. To expect the social es and articles, brought it into the depths of the mass What then are the conclusions that democracy to fight for the defense of the Soviet Union cs Grzesinski would have been unable to defend his follow from all this? The first conclu. their application of political terminology. step toward the dictatorship of the proagainst the German bourgeoisie would be an illusion. capitulation before the masses in July with references face the late 10 minut bolely the moment Maiting of the peasant and generally printkipo, september 26, 1992. But we certainly can expect that the social democracy to the sabotage of the Communist party. He would movement is a mighty revolutionary fac will fight for the defense of its mandates, its meetings, either have had to go along with this or that active tor, insofar as it is directed against the Archives of the Opposition periodicals, treasuries and finally, for its own head.
step or else expose himself hopelessly in the eyes of large farm owners, militarists, serfdom his own workers. Isn this clear?
and usurers. But in the peasant move.
Only, even in Germany we in no way advocate lapsing into a united front fetishism. An agreement is To be sure, even if Grzesinski were drawn into the ment itself are very powerful proprietary Marx and the Peace Conference and reactionary tendencies, and on a an agreement. It remains in effect so long as it serves struggle by the logic of his situation and the pressure given stage it can become hostile to the In the year 1867 there was held at elapse before they would appraise the the practical goal for which it was concluded. If the thoroughly perifidious ally. His principal thought reads equipped with arms. Ile who for Genes and freedom of the leader one rest diconeratie racitisi League at its true the Communists must always put themselves the ques. gle or half struggle to an agreement with the capi workers must be taught to distinguish support of the First International and drawn. In 1807 Marx opposed the First would be to pass over as quickly as possible from strug sets about the dual nature of the peas Beace and freedom. The Peace Congress worth The balance sheet can thus casily be tion: is it not time to tear up the agreement and to lead the masses further under our own banner? Such. talists. But the masses set into motion, even the so from among Communist signs and bandid actually secure support from Ders the actual social processes.
Lausanne Congress of the International. the Peace Congress; in 1932 Stalin bethat to lead the proletariat to victory is a simple task?
as do outraged police chiefs. The approach between must be attentively followed, and thel 1807 Marx has the following to say together of a Peace Congress In 1867 By counterposing the year 1926 to the year 1932, the process of the struggle would offer the Communist Workers must be explained systematic about the League of Peace and Freedom. Marx was seriously annoyed because the the social democratic and the Communist workers in Rude Pravo has demonstrated only its lack of comally the direction, the significance and You know that in the General Council Pence Congress attempted to use his prehension of what occurred six years ago as well as party leaders a far broader possibility for influencing the perspectives of the peasant war; and opposed our having anything to do with name. Today, the Stalinists seem to be what is happening today.
the social democratic workers, especially in face of the the current demands and the tasks of the these peace windings. spoke on the falling all over themselves in order to The worker correspondent from the imaginary common danger. And that is precisely what the final proletariat must be tied up with the subject for about half an hour. Hecarius have their names appear at the head slogans for the liberation of the peas, who was minute secretary, prepared a of the list. In 1932 the Communists are bench also turns his attention to the example adduced aim of the united front consists in.
antry.
report for The Beehive, but he reproduced inade to vote with both hands for paci.
by me of the agreement of the Bolsheviks with the STUDY THE CLASS only one or two sentences of my speech sist dribblings and resolutions; in 1867 Mensheviks and Social Revoltionists. At that time, To reduce the whole policy of the proletariat to TENDENCIES. Nevertheless what said at the Marx referred to them with contempt as he writes, Kerensky really fought for a certain time agreements with the reformist organizations or, still reports and other documents we must On the bases of our own observations, General Council meeting attracted a good eye wash.
deal of attention. The jackasses of the But the parallel does not end here In against Kornilov and at the same time helped the pro worse, to the abstract slogan of unity. is something painstakingly study the imer life pro Peace Congress have completely 1867 Marx had to oppose the entire Genletariat smash Kerensky. That the German social dem that only spineless Centrists of the stripe of the Socesses of the pensant armies and the modified their original program, smus eral Council in presenting his point of ocracy today does not fight against Fascism evident cialist Workers Party can do. For the Marxists, the order established in the regions occupied slug into the new one (which is far view, and some time had to clape before to any little child.
united front policy is merely one of the methods in the by them; we must discover in living facts more democratic) the words the harron the other members of the Council were The Thälmann who so closely resembles a little course of the class struggle. Under certain conditions the contradictory class tendences and ixing of economic interests with liberty convinced of the correctness of Marx position. Today, comrade Trotsky and child contends that an agreement of the Russian Bol this method becomes completely useless; it would be tendencies we support and against which ing more than free trade. They bom the Left Opposition stand practically sheviks with the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionists absurd to want to conclude an agreement with the re we are fighting.
barded me with correspondence, and alone in opposing the opportunison of never even existed. Rude Pravo, as we see, pursues formists on the socialist upheaval. But there are with especial care must we follow the bidethe Impudence to send me the en: the Stalin ladership. How long will a diferent course. The agreement it does not deny. conditions under which the rejection of the united and the local workers, without leaving they have the cheek to address me on the taken by the Lift Opposition will have But according to its conception, the agreement was front may ruin the revolutionary party for many de out of sight even the minor misunder envelope as a member of the Geneva, been proren correct? Yes, history does justified by this, that Kerensky really fought against cades to come. That is the situation in Germany at standings between them. Within the etc. Congress.
repeat Itself.
Kornilov, in distinction to the social democracy which the present time. Continued in the Next Issue) framework of particular cities and re. Steklof who reports the incident in 11.
is preparing the road to power for Fascism. The TRINKIPO, September 2, 1932. TROTSKY. slons, conflicts, even it might his History of the First International appear to be insignificant local episodes. continues with the following remarks. THE MILITANT But with the further development of Thus, the mere allusion of the bourgeois Entered as second clase mail matter for two reasons. First because the New Wbither Russla 00.
national sweep and lead the revolution contemplated congress, seriously annoyed Pioneer Publishers Notes New York, Under York comrades can to a catastrophe, e. to a new devasta him. We can readily understand, there what we bave the neto done: dig in the dust of second hand book Remember Arst come first served. wetion of the workers the peasants, fore, how profoundly disturbed he must March 3, 1879.
Published weekly by the Communist of revolutions is full of such examples.
rades cannot get them locally, even by sanne Congress of the International, League of America (Opposition)
As we The more clearly the advanced work which not merely accepted at its face at 84 East 10th St.
By much patient digging in second this incans. But orders will be filled titles and a few of other titles.
we have unearthed a strictly in the order in which they are get them we will announce them. If you ers will understand the living dialectic value the bourgeois mouthings of the EDITORIAL BOARD hand books of comrade Trotsky received. And they must be acompanied are willing to take a chance you can of the class inter relations of the pro League of Peace and Freedom, but ac Marth Abern very small James Cannor earlier works that are out of print in with the price of the book ordered.
order these books in advance of our get letariat, the peasantry and the bourgetually promised full support to the Max Shachtman Maurice Spector this country We have them on hand all ting them. We will make every effort olsle the more confidently will they seek Lengue. thus giving it an endorsement Arne Swabeck ready to ship. Out of town comrades Vol. V, No. 43 (Whole No. 139)
Here is what we have. copy of Our to set them, should we call you will unity with the strata of the peasantry in the name of the international proleneed not fear that the New York SATURDAY, OCTOBER 22, 1932 members hotellegebble up our small stock Revolution 50; coples of the Bolsh send you something else according to your will they counteract the counter revolu: able to convince his colleagues on the subscription rate: 00 per year, For If there is to be any discrimination it eviki and World Peace 50; coples instructions. body eign 50. Five cents per copy acute, will be against the New York comrades: of Lenin, Biography 00; copy of events the eless conflicts may take on a pacifists to Marx as a member of their November 28, 1928, at the Post Office 21 stores; secondly because out of town com have hopes of getting a few more of these boodwinked by the bourgeoisie. History have been by the resolution of the LauEXTRA! EXTRA!