I PAGE THE MILITANT SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 24, 1932 olutionary mass defense. The agreement on definite workers, passing over to another theme. Thälmann practical actions is misconstrued into an absurd unity replies in the affirmative. And how! But he immediS with the social democracy. Out of the indispensabil ately adds unexpectedly: In legality as well as in ility of the final revolutionary assault of tomorrow, is legality, most particulary in the latter, the party must AN ANALYSIS OF THE REPLIES MADE BY ERNST THAELMANN 10 SERIES OF QUESTIONS POSED TO HIM self defense actions for today. Whoever can see rhyme agents. This interpolation is not made accidentally; deduced the impermissibility of harmonized strike or be on guard against spies, provocateurs and police BY FORMER SOCIALIST WORKERS ON THE ATTITUDE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY TOWARDS THE PROBLEMS OF THE UNITED FRONT OF ALL WORKERS IN THE PRESENT GERMAN SITUATION or reason in Thälmann thoughts deserves a prize of The latest doctrine, proclaimed throughout the world distinction.
in the brochure of a mysterious Büchner, justifies the From the Series of Articles in the Forthcoming Book The Only Road. by Leon Trotsky The auditors press: Is an alliance of the strangulation of democracy in the interest of the and the possible in the struggle against struggle against spies. Whoever protests against the THE MIDDLE of July appeared a brochure sight, not only listen forbearingly to the speaker but the Papen government and against Fascism? Thälautocracy of the Stalinist bureaucracy must be dewith Thälmann answers to twenty one questions even agree with him many times. The secret of their mann mentions two or three facts as evidence that the clared a suspicious character the very least. The by social democratic workers on how the Red forbearance, however, rests upon the fact that Thäl social democracy does not fight against Fascism and police agents and provocateurs of every country revel united front is to be created. The brochure begins mann partners in the conversation not only belong concludes. Every. comrade will say with enthusiasm over this theory. They will hound with the words. Mightily does the anti Fascist united to the Anti Fascist Action but also call for the cast we are right when we say that an alliance between Oppositionists louder than anyone else: this may divert front rush shead! On July 20 the Communist party ing of votes for the Communist party. They are the and the is impossible on the attention from themselves and enable them to fish in called upon the workers to come out in a political former social democrats who have gone over to the side basis of these facts and also for reasons of prin troubled waters.
strike. The appeal met with no response. Thus with of Communism. Such recruits can only be welcomed. ciple. The bureaucrat again assumes just the The flourishing of democracy is also demonstrated, in five days was the tragic abyss revealed between bu But what is deceptive in the whole affair is that a con thing that should be proved ultimatism acquires a according to Thälmann, by the fact that the problems reaucratis rhetoric and political reality.
versation with workers who have broken with the social particularly ludicrous character as soon as Thülmann are dealt with at World Congresses and Conferences of The party received 5, 300, 000 votes in the elections democracy is palmed off as a conversation with the replies to the question of the united front with organi the The speaker fails to report when the of July 31. By trumpeting forth this result as a social democratic mass. This cheap masquerade is zations which embrace millions of workers. The social last World Congress took place. We will call it to tremendous victory, the party showed how greatly the highly characteristic of the whole present day policy democrats must acknowledge that an agreement with mind. in July 1928, more than four years ago! Apdefeats have diminished its claims and hopes. In the of Thälmann and Co. their party is impossible because it is Fascist. Can parently no noteworthy questions have arisen since first balloting for the presidential election, on March However this may be the former social democrats Wels and Leipart be rendered a better service? then. Why, be it asked in passing, doesn Thälmann 13, the party received almost five million votes. In put questions which actually agitate the social dem We Communists, who reject any accord with the himself convoke an extraordinary German party conthe course of four and a half months and what ocratic mass. Is the Anti Fascist Action a Commun leaders. repeatedly declare that we are vention to resolve the questions upon which depend the monthsit therefore barely gained three hundred ist party business? they ask.
thousand votes. The Communist press repeated hun No. The proof? The Anti Fascist Actions Thälmann replies. at all times ready for the anti fascist struggle with fate of the German proletariat? Certainly not be cause of an excess of party democracy.
dreds of times in March that the number of votes would organization but a mass movement. As if it were rades and with the lower. militant organizations.
So runs page after page. Thämann replies to twenty have been incomparably larger had it been a Reichstag not just the task of the Communist party to organize Where do the lower organizations come to an end? one questions. Every reply a mistake. In sumelection: in a presidential election, hundreds of thou the mass movement. Still better is the second argu And what is to be done if the lower organizations sub twenty one mistakes, not counting the small and sec ondary ones.
ment: the Anti Fascist Action is non partisan, for mit to the discipline of the upper, and propose that the And they are numerous.
sands of sympathizers deemed it superfluous to lose any time over a platonic demonstration. If this it directs itself against the capitalist state: Karl negotiations shall be begun with the latter? Finally, Thälmann relates that the Bolsheviks broke with March commentary is taken into consideration and Marx, in dealing with the lessons of the Paris Com between the lower and the upper there are intermediate the Mensheviks in 1903. In reality, the split first it deserves to be taken into consideration it follows mune, already placed in the foreground in all sharp storeys. And can one prophecy where the dividing line took place in 1912. But even that did not prevent that the party has practically not grown at all in the ness, as the task of the working class, the question will be between those who want to fight and those who the February revolution in 1917 from finding united last four and a half months.
of smashing the bourgeois state apparatus. to hap dodge the struggle? This can be determined only in Bolshevik and Menshevik oganizations over a large In April, the social democracy elected Hindenburg, regardless of Marx, is to perfect the bourgeois state, sense is there in binding oneself hand and foot?
What part of the country. As late as the beginning of less quotation! For what the social democrats want, action and not by anticipatory appraisals.
April, Stalin came out for the unification of the Bolwho thereupon carried out a coup État aimed directbut not to smash it. They are not Communists, but sheviks with Tseretelli party not the united front ly at the former. One would think that this fact alone ought to have suffced to convulse the structure of rereformists. Despite his intentions, Thälmann proves Reichsbanner meeting, the noteworthy words of a social but the fusion of the parties! This was prevented only by Lenin arrival.
formism to its very foundations. Add to this the further acter of the Anti Fascist Action.
just the thing he would like to refute the party char democratic company commander are mentioned: The Thälmann says that the Bolsheviks dispersed the accentuation of the crisis with all its frightful conThe official leader of the Communist party obvious. If the leaders fail to take it into account, then will constituent Assembly in 1917. In reality this occur the elections, the social democracy drew its tail miser thought of the social democratic workers. He does not munist paper reproduces these words without comment.
sequences. Finally, on July 20, eleven days before ly understands neither the situation nor the political go to the united front over their heads. The Com red at the begining of 1918. Thälmann is not at all familiar with the history of the Russian revolution ably between its legs at the coup état of the federal understand what purpose the united front serves.
With Yet they contain the key to the whole tactic of the uni and the Bolshevik party, Far worse, however, is the fact that he does not parties grow feverishly. Whatever the social dem every one of his sentences, he delivers weapons to the ted front. The social democrat wants to fight against reformist leaders and drives the social democratic the Fascists in common with the Communists. He is grasp the foundations of the Bolshevik tactic. In his ocracy, forced into a steel vise, may yet undertake to workers to them.
do, it must drive the workers away from it to the Left.
already in doubt about the good will of his leaders. If theoretical articles, he even dares to dispute the fact But instead of striding forward with seven league social democracy is demonstrated by Thälmann in the heads. Social democrats similarly disposed can be Mensheviks and Social Revolutionists against KorniThe impossibility of any kind of joint step with the the leaders refuse, says he, then shall go over their that the Bolsheviks cuncluded an agreement with the treat, and after each step forward it takes helfuse stie clearly recognize that the social democracy, even when it is the task of the Communist party really to show his door by somebody or other, which have nothing to Communist party suffered no loss of votes on July 31, it today mimics a sham opposition, will at no moment them whether or not the social democratic leaders want do with the matter. But he forgets to answer the quesis finally to lose the sense of reality.
give up, its actual thoughts of coalition and its com to fight. This can be demonstrated only through ex tions: Were there Committees for the Defense of the In order to understand and how the revolution pointelle. with the Fascist bourgeoisie. Even if this were perience, through a new, fresh experience, in new People throughout the land during the Kornilov not be gained at one putsch? Did they direct the struggle against Korniary party condemns itself to a debasing impotence un ing it to the social democratic workers through experi blow. The social democratic leaders must be subjected lov? Did representatives of the Bolsheviks, Mensheder exceptionally favorable, political conditions, one ence. However, it is also false in essence. If the so to a test: in the factory and workshop, in town and viks and Social Revolutionists belong to these Commust read Thälmann answers to the social democratic cial democratic leaders do not want to abandon com country, in whole state, today and tomorrow.
mittees? Yes, yes, yes. Were the Mensheviks and Soworkers. wearisome and unpleasant job, but it may pacts with the bourgeoisic, the Fascist bourgeoisie, We must repeat our proposal, put it in a new form, cial Revolutionists in power at that time? Did they enlighten one on what is taking place in the minds of however, does abandon compacts with the social dem from a new angle, adapted to the new situation. persecute the Bolsheviks as agents of the German genthe Stalinist leaders.
ocracy. And this fact may become decisive for the But Thälmann will have none of it. On the ground eral staff? Were thousands of Bolsheviks confined to To the question. How do the Communists evaluate fate of the social democracy. In the passage of power of the principle distinctions shown to exist between prisons? Did Lenin hide in illegality? Yes, yes, yes.
the character of the Papen government. Thälmann from Papen to Hitler, the bourgeoisie will in no way the and the we reject negotiations What quotations can refute these historical facts: gives several, mutually contradictory, replies. He be be able to spare the social democracy. The civil war from the top with the This shattering Let Thälmann appeal to his heart content to Mangins with a reference to the danger of the immediate has its laws. The reign of the Fascist terror will and argument is repeated by Thälmann several times. But uilsky, Losovsky and Stalin himself (if the latter ever establishment of the Fascist dictatorship. Then it can mean only the abolition of the social democracy. if there were no antagonisms in principle then there opens his mouth. But let him leave in peace Leninfollows that it does not yet exist? He speaks with com Mussolini began with just that, so as to be able all would be no two parties. And there were no two ism and the history of the Russian revolution: for him plete accuracy of the government members as repre the more unrestrainedly to crush the revolutionary parties, there would be no question of the united front. they are books sealed with seven seals.
sentatives of trust capital, of the generals and of workers. In any event, the social Fascist cherishes Thälmann wants to prove far too much. Less would Junkerdom. minute later he says about the same his hide. The Communist united front policy at the be better.
government: this Fascist cabinet. and concludes his present time must proceed from the concern of the soIn conclusion one must throw into relief still another reply with the assertion that the Papen government cial democracy for its own hide. That will be the Did not the founding of the Red Trade Union or. has set itself the aim of the immediate establish most realistic and at the same time, in its results, the ganization, ask the workers, signify a splitting of the question, which stands by itself. it concerns Versailles.
The social democratic workers ask if the Communist ment of the Fascist dictatorship.
most revolutionary policy.
organized working class. No, replies Thälmann, and party isn making political concessions to National as proof he cites Engels letter of 1895 against the But if the social democracy will at no momentº esthetic sentimental philanthropists. Who is handing the slogan of national emancipation and to place By disregarding the social and political distinctions between Bonapartism, that is, the regime of civil separate itself from the Fascist bourgeoisie (although Thälmann such treacherous quotations? The Socialism. In his reply, Thälmann continues to defend peace resting upon military police dictatorship, and Matteoti separated himself from Mussolini. don U. o. is created in the spirit of unity and not of it on the same plane with the slogan of social emancipaFascism, that is, the régime of open civil war against the social democratic workers, who want to take part schism. Also, the worker is in no case to leave his tion. The reparations what is left of them now are the proletariat, Thälmann deprives himself in advance in the Anti Fascist Action, have to leave their party trade union organization in order to join the just as important to Thälmann as private ownership of the possibility of understanding what is taking place Thus runs one question: To this Thälmann replies: o. On the contrary, it were better if the of the means of production. This policy is as if conbefore his very eyes. If Papen cabinet is a Fascist For us Communists it is a matter of course that so members remained in the trade unions in order to carry trived uniquely to divert the attention of the workcabinet then what Fascist danger is he talking çial democratic or Reichsbanner workers may take part on oppositional work therein. Thälmann words may er from the basic problem, to weaken the blow against about? If the workers will believe Thälmann that in the Anti Fascist Action without having to leave sound convincing to Communists who have set themcapitalism and to compel one to seek the principal foe Papen sets himself the aim. of establishing the their party. To show himself free from sectarian. selves the task of and author of poverty on the other side of the frontier.
ghting against the social democratic Fascist dictatorship, then the probable conflict between Hitler and Papen Schleicher will catch the party nap by the millions, in a serried front, we would greet it leadership. But as an answer to social democratic However, now more than ever before, the main enemy is at home! Von Schleicher expressed this idea even ping just as the conflict between Papen and Otto with joy, even if a lack of clarity still exists in your workers, who are concerned with trade union unity, more coarsely: before anything else, he declared on Braun did in its time.
minds, in our opinion, about certain questions of esti Thälmann words sound like a mockery. Why have To the question, Is the Communist Party of Ger mating the Social Democratic Party of Germany. you left our trade unions and organized yourselves the radio on July 26, we must put an end to the dirty tarally answers affirmatively, and for proof he refers you consider it to be democratic, but let not dispute you want to enter our separate organization in order We pick it up willingly. Every Communist must firm ly adopt it as his own. While the Nazis divert attento the fact that the Communists do not go hat in hand over petty matters. It suffices for you to come to us to fight against the social democratic leadership, we tion to Versailles, the Communist workers must retort to Hindenburg and Papen. No, we put the question by the millions. without leaving your Fascist party. do not demand of you to leave the trade unions, to them with Schleicher words: no, before anything of the struggle of the struggle against the whole sys Lack of clarity about certain questions cannot con Thälmann replies. An appropriate reply, right on else we must put an end to the dirty swine at home!
tem, against capitalism. And here lies the kernel of stitute an obstacle. But, 0, the lack of clarity in the the head of the nail. Is there democracy within the ask the Prinkipo, August 17, 1982. TROTSKY.
the sincerity of our united front.
heads of the all powerful bureaucrats is an obstacle at Thälmann manifestly does not understand what it every step.
sub from now on is a brick in the buildis all about. The social democratic workers remain ing of the first storey. Build it well!
social democrats precisely because they still believe in to say: We do not put the question of party to party, New Sub Drive Launched for Militant Butld it quickly!
but on a class basis. Like Seydewitz, Thälmann is the gradual, reformist road to the transformation of (1 italist masters. Elsewhere we are accapitalism into socialism. Since they know that the prepared to renounce party interests in the interests Leninist promganda. In these years we tive in the struggles of the workers, or Communists stand for the revolutionary overthrow of of the class. The misfortune lies in this, that for a have made clear to a number of workers are preparing to apply the principles and YOUNG SPARTACUS AID IN capitalism, the social democratic workers ask: Do you Marxist there cannot be such a contrast. Were not the ideas of the Left Opposition. We ideas of Marxism. In this work our PICKETING OF REX STRIKE sincerely propose the united front to us? To this its program the scientific formulation of the interests have firmly established the foundation of central organ must play a leading role More than 200 workers, mostly young, is time to build It must become our best organizer. To Thälmann replies: Naturally, sincerely, for with us it of the working class, the party would not be worth our future work.
higher. On the order of the day the rulall this role it must increase its cir have struck against the attempt of the is a question of overthrowing the whole capitalist sys penny.
first storey! In Illinois we are taking a culation many times. Build the Arst Rex Products Corporation, to put over Only, along with the crude mistake in principle, direct part in of the greatest fights storey get subs; use the club plan: the four wage cut in recent times, some Of course, it does not occur to us to conceal any. Thälmann words contain also a practical absurdity. the miners have waged against their cap spread the militant far and wide. Every times amounting to sixty percent of the Wages. The workers, in a highly millthing from the social democratic workers. Neverthe How is it possible not to put the question of party tant mood, applied for aid to the Metal less, one must know the measure of things and preserve to party when that is just where the very essence of 1 HALF YEAR SUB of 26 ISSUES for 50c in CLUBS of FOUR or MORE.
Workers Industrial Union which is now directing the strike.
the political proportions. skilled propagandist the question lies? Millions of workers follow the social THE MILITANT, 84 10th Street, New York City.
Enclosed and for which send the MILITANT for 20 weeks to the following: should have answered in the following manner: You democracy. Other millions the Communist party. To Members of the Spartacus Youth Club NAMES put your stakes on democracy, we believe that the only the question of the social democratic workers: How ADDRESSES STATE voted to participate every morning in way out lies in the revolution. Yet we cannot and we shall we today achieve joint actions between your party the pleket line of the strikers and have been down every morning since the decldo not want to make the revolution without you. Hitand ours against Fascism, Thälmann answers: on a sion was adopted. In spite of this deler is now the common foe. After the victory over him class and not a party basis. stream toward us by the monstration of solidarity with the strikwe shall draw the balance together with you and see millions. Isn this the most wretched bombast?
ing young workers, one of the bureauwhither the further road actually leads. We Communists, continues Thälmann, do not crats of the one Steuben, has sought to forbid our young comrades The auditors, peculiar as this may seem at first want unity at any price. We cannot, in the interest of unity with the social democracy, disavow the class MIILITANT BUILDER. Address.
from participating in the picket lines and fraternizing with the strikers, giving These lines were written at the beginning of August, be content of our policy. and renounce strikes, strugCity.
as his reason that we don work with for the negotiations between Hindenburg Papen and Hitler. gles of the unemployed, actions of the tenants and rev Help Circulate a Marxian Paper for Class Conscious Workers people we don know.
tem, CITY State.