EDITORIAL NOTES The Eleventh Plenum of the Comintern our tasks. It is oniy a beginning because for his task said Lenin, the workingthe education of new Communist propaganclass revolutionist must also become a prodists, organizers and politicians does not fessional revolutionist. We ought to steer a deliberate course in this direction. The keep pace with the expansion of our re training of the young Communists in the sponsibilities, and because they still remain Marxist school of the Opposition should amateurs devoting only their spare time to proceed with this objective. The more earnSTRIKE STRATEGY policy of Centrism from the beginning to the movement.
estly we concentrate on this design the end, takes no account of such consideraAmong the absurdities spawned during It would be fatal to stop there, and better will we utilize the opportunities of tions.
doubly fatal to make a principle of such the present to prepare the third period of the Comintern misthe revolutionary a condition. In order to be zully prepared staff of the future.
takes, a prominent place belongs to the new inventions in the field of trade union policy relating to strikes, or as the genASSEMBLING THE FUTURE STAFF erals say, strike strategy. During the The International Opposition has alpast few years we heard plenty about these ways proceeded from the assumption that discoveries. Articles, resolutions, and pam the regeneration of the Communist Interna(Continued from last issue)
self. For every mistake made it immediphlets if not whole books have poured tional can be accomplished only by the de On the question of social fascism, the ately finds a formula which frees it of reforth in a steady stream as evidence that feat and displacement of the upper stratum resolution says: sponsibility. In the long run, it always on this subject also the statesmen of Cenof the Centrist bureaucracy. The degenera Wherever the Communists apply mechfinds a scapegoat (like Molotov, for examtrism have something new to say. As was tion of the leading circle of Stalinism, con anically the correct tactic of class against ple) in order to crawl out of a bad situation to be expected, the new prescriptions have firmed in cvery decisive question of the class without taking into account the level fared badly in the test of experience. Mat international revolution over a period of of the Communist movement, wherever they Among other stupidities they never ters were bad enough before the deluge of years, is given a fresh confirmation in the identify fascism with social fascism, the forget to take a kick at the Russian Opposition: theses on strike strategy; since then they political resolution of the Eleventh Plenum social fasest leaders with the social demhave been worse.
of the this utterly barren and worth ocratic workers, the Communists weaken The work of constructing socialism The central feature of the new revod less doeument is a striking revelation of their independent leadership of the class has finally destroyed all the hopes of the tion as nobody has been allowed to tor the unbridgeable chasm which stands be struggle. thus permiting the social capitalist world, and the predictions of the getis independent strike leadersuip. tween the necessities of the movement and Trotskyists on the degeneration of Soviet democracy to maneuver by simulating Under this formula the tasks of economy into capitalist economy.
Com the capacities of the oflicial leadership. In struggle against fascism (Austria, Poland)
munists in strike situations are rednced to this respect it is on a jar with the contri and to deceive the masses who follow them.
Here as everywhere, the bureaucracy an B simplicity: they simply take over butions, in theory and practice, of the In this formulation, there is an open fights against the Left Opposition by the the direct leadership of the strugle. re Stalin mercenaries directing the American arowal that the identification of fascism solitary means of falsehood. Did the Left party.
gardless of reformists reactionaries, faseOpposition foresee a degeneration of socwith social fascism was an error that cost ists or gocia! fascists who y oppose It becomes clearer hy day that people ialist economy into a capitalist economy?
the Communist movement dear. Could it be the idea, and regardless also of the pro are not and cannot be the leaders of ComYes, but on one condition: that the policy otherwise?
of Stalin and Bucharin of the years 1926portionate influence they may wield at the maim. They are the chief obstacle in the The social democracy is beyond dispute moment. But if the opponents of Com path of its development. If the kernel 1927, that is, the policy of socialism at a petty bourreois wing and the assistant munism control the union conducting the of the future staff of Marxist revolutionara snail pace be applied. It is Stalin and to the bourgeoisie, serving it as a powerstrike, what then? The answer is given in ies must be assemblea in the struggle Bucharin who fought for this poiley and ful weapon in the struggle against the all the theses: form a new strike commit against them and there is no other way slandered the Opposition as agents of the revolutionary proletariat. Fascism is also tee. And if the workers do not understand then the real headway of the Opposition in bourgeoisie because of their proposals for a wing of the bourgeoisie, even though of and support this action? That is their industrinlization.
maturing and developing new leading forces a different type put forward by the bourfault.
is it yardstick by which to measure its acDoes the Left Opposition today still seoisie also to battle against the proletarIn sce a danger of degeneration of the Soviet the recent Duluth Superior clock tual progress.
int but under different conditions. The soc.
strike we have seen a brilliant exemplificaIn this field our gains are indisputable.
Union? Yes it sees dangers in the disial democracy is the party of the petty tion of these tactics. In this strike, which The Opposition is barred by all the cirproportions between the different branches bourgeoisie which supports itself primarily was so ably reported in the last number of cumstances of the complicated fight from a of industry (which is sometimes directed upon the labor aristocracy and upon its The Militant by Clem Forsen, the party rapidl numerical growth. We hy concealed Mensheviks) and in the extranever progreat influence among the poor strata of confronted a situation in which the sentimised that. The crisis is too profound ordinary strengthening of the apparatus.
the proletariat. Fascism is a petty bourgeois ments of the workers were divided between to permit of a quick and easy solution. But Besides this, the disappearance of the and of functionaries, and possesses an influseveral groups.
control of the party masses is also a great There were sąpporters of. the born and irreconcilable strug1. anong luront strata of the middle peadanger.
the Halonen group the Finninsh variant we are preparing the cadres of the The degeneration and the replacesantry.
Cuture leadership One ја of the Loveston Right winx among the only to exam.
ment of the socialist economy of the These two patiy bourgeois movements, strikers, and the had a strong ine the recent issues of the Militant to hy a capitalist ecomony is related in spite of the fact that they support each influence over others. In this respect the convince himself of this vital fact. An inabove all to the militancy of the proletariat other subjectively and objectively, somecreasing number of contributions of a high and of its vanguard in the strike does not present an exceptional picS.
times collide because of the diversity of well tnre. It is rather typical. In the coming political standard are voming from comoutside of it.
their composition, the differences in their wave of strike struggles the Communists rades who are writing for the first time.
The greater the vigilance shown by the ideological traditions and the methods with This will rarely find a situation in which they the unfailing sign of internal the closer will be the decisive growth of qualitative improvement which they support the bourgeois regime and have no rivals. And in most cases they victory of the proletariat.
strengthening in our ranks. It is the proof (bourgeois democracy or dictatorship. The will be more serious rivals, and better orThe Left Opposition saw all the danduty of the Marxists is to make clear these ganized. For that reason the Duluth ex that our forces, avoidably limited as gers and called them to the attention of differences and not to hide them, for otherperience should not be overlooked.
they are, are preparing for their great histhe international proletariat. It will conwise we might arrive at the conclusion of torie future and going out to meet it.
tinue to do it, without looking forward to The logic of the Duluth situation pointa monolithic bourgeois class, without inTo record this Hromising development eulogies from the narrow bureaucrats of ed to only one policy for the Communists ternal struggles without competition in the is not to rest content with it. For it must the Eleventh Plenum but in the interests It was their task in the first place to raise struggle for national and international of the world proletariat.
the slogan of unity and solidarity for a be recognized that it marks only a heginstruggles ning of what we must accomplish if we common front against the employers in the to measure up to the magnitude of The pitiful results, not only of the han strike. From that it would follow that application, but of the theory of socialFor your they should demand a single strike comfascism in general, proceed from the fact Library иииинсiнiптiнсарининг нигилинсапилниканиннинг иннингини mittee, democratically elected by the strikthat every worker sees, even by observing ers in which each of the contending facdaily life, that in spite of all the Communtions would have the right to make its proist arrument, in spite of the name of posals and submit them to the decision of social fascist acute struggles still break out the majority. By this means the unity of between the two parties. fascist and social the workers would be preserved. while they democratic. The fascist party destroys the would have the opportunity at the same hedaquarters of the social democrats and time, to judge the proposals of the various their newspapers, arrests them sometimes.
groups, test them in action, and make their and even tortures and kills them. The THE DRAFT PROGRAM OF THE own free selection assisted by their own worker revolts against this, but the ComCOMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL experience.
munist movement does not draw him toA Criticism of Fundamentals Introduction by Max Eastman This applies to the question of union wards it because thanks to its ridiculous Introduction by Cannon 364 pages. Sold formerly at Through affiliation no less than to the other questheory of social fascism, the Communist 140 pages hard paper cover 35c tions. Through their own experiences with special arrangements with the pub.
party refuses to fight together with the THE STRATEGY OF THE WORLD lishers can be had from us now at the representatives of the rival unions in social democracy against fascism at the REVOLUTION the strike, and the strike policies sponsor.
CONTENTS moment when this becomes a vital necesIntroduction by Max Shachtman ed by them the workers would be in a bet PART The Fear of Our Platform sity for the proletariat. An investigation So pages, two colored paper cover 250 ter position to decide whether they want PART II The Real Situation in Rus conducted by the central organ of the GerTURN IN THE COMMUNIST INto join the or the Narine Worksia and the Tasks of the man Communist Party. the Rote Fahne, TERNATONAL AND THE GERMAN ers Industrial Union. We have no right to Communist Party among the Social democratic workers SITUATION demand that they answer this question be PART III Stalin Falsines History showed the correctness of our contention.
30 pages. paper cover 10c forehand if they are not willing to do so.
Some of the Chapters.
To the question: What prevents you from WORLD UNEMPLOYMENT AND And if they decide against us we have no The Agrarian Question and the joining :he Communist party. many THE FVE YEAR PLAN right to split. Sooner or later the idea Socialist Construction workers replied: am for you but against Introduction by Arne Swabeck must enter the heads of the Communists a State Industry and the Building the theory of social fascism.
22 pages, paper cover 100 small minority in the labor movement that of Socialism What is responsible for the negative THE SPANISH REVOLUTION leadership of the workers cannot be secured The National Question results of our work. The bureaucrats of 30 pages. paper cover 10c without their knowledge and consent. We The League of the Communist Youth the Eleventh Plenum of the Comintern reCOMMUNISM AND SYNDICALISM cannot order them to follow us. They will Our International Situation and ply: It is the workers who do not underThe Trade Union Question not obey, and we have no power to enforce the War Danger stand. They do not want to acknowledge Introduction by James Cannon the order.
My Part in the October Revolution that at the moment when they drew the 64 pages, paper cover 150 These ideas are so elementary and ob The Debates about Brest Litovsk parallel between fascism and social demTHE PERMANENT REVOLUTION vious that there should be no need of arguand the Trnde Unions ocracy. they drove towards the identifica 208 page bookcloth bound 00 ment about them. But the Communists at My Military Work tion of fascism and social democracy that paper cover. 50 Duluth could not apply them. The straGovernment Planning is, of the social democratic workers and the THE REAL SITUATION IN RUSSIA tegy of independent strike leadership Lenin Broke Conclusively with Stalin fascists, Introduction by Max Eastman stood in the way. With what result? They The Testament of Lenin The casting of the responsibility for the 364 page book, formerly now 00 left the slogan of unity to the The Last Words of Adolph Joffe bad application upon the national sections MY LIFE 600 pages 00 and the Marine Workers Union and party The Deportation of Trotsky is nothing but a retreat in the theory of SINCE LENIN DIED speakers are chased from the lot. The Appeal of the Russian Opposition to social fascism. But as always, it is upon By Max Bastian Communists lost the confidence of the workthe Communist International the ranks that the responsibility is cast.
158 page book printed in London ers, their speakers were isolated from the Only a limited number of these books The burenneracy afraid of the truth 1924 50 strike meetings. the strike was demoral at this special price, Order now. like an ape of his image, so as not to see Special Rates in Bundles of or more ized and ended in the acceptance of a PIONEER PUBLISHERS its own incompetence, otherwise it would Order from wage cut. defeat for the workers, a de84 East 10th St. have seen that the weakness of the Con.
PIONEER PUBLISHERS feat for Communism. But what of that?
New York City munist movement does not reside in the 84 East 10th Street The new strike strategy. like the whole ranks. тисанитнашишнисиптикишинисинтезниципсап But the bureaucracy is loyal to itNew York City THE MILITANT, Vol. IV No. 12, June 15 1931. Pul lished twice monthly by the Communist League of America (Opposition) at 84 East 10th St. New York, Sub scription rate: 00 per year; foreign 2, 50. Five cents per copy. Bundle rates cents per copy. Editorial Board. Martin Abern, James Cannon, Max Shachtman. Maus ice Spector, Arne Swabeck. Entered a8 second class mall matter, November 28, 1928 at the Post Office at New York, under the act of March 3, 1870 (Total No. 71. JANIN TROTSKY The Real Situation in Russia Books By Leon Trotsky