The Communists and the Progressives Two years ago when the Muste moveBy JAMES CANNON In the course of the struggle we, of ment began to take shape in the Confercourse, will maintain our separate organience for Progressive Labor Action we de primarily a period of mental preparation of much more of the same which could be zation, drive them forward at every step voted a number of articles to the question the workers for great struggles which will mentioned. a preparation for a union ảnd criticize every vacillation and weakof the progressives and the Communists really get under way as the cycle turns to with the Communists an evidence of good ness they manifest. We will conceive of in the Militant. At that time the Lovestone ward economic revival.
faith. so to speak. What is the difference it all the time as a temporary agreement Right wing held the leadership of the party If phrase mongering Left demago between joining the while keep which we are ready to break at any moment and strange as it may seem in the light of gues have proved to be a disrupting force ing silent about these damning facts and they betray their promises.
later developments they were repudiating and a shielding of reaction in the first making a bloe with it while keeping just as We know as world wide experience has any idea of a united front. The Opposition tentative manifestations of labor insurgency, silent? There is no serious difference. demonstrated to the hilt that most of waged a polemical battle against the ofthen in the coming period they will con At the very best it is the most naive them will betray. But if we have conficial position. We analyzed the new profront the militant labor movement the conception of politics to represent, as Git ducted ourselves properly from the start, gressive movement from a different standgreatest menace. How to cope with this low does in his article, that a united front allowed ourselves no illusions and created point and drew different tactical conclumenace, how to defeat the attempt to de between the Communists and the no illusions among the workers, the betraysions.
rail the workers revolt with the empty of itself will hasten the schism between al will weaken them and strengthen the In our Platform and in several special phrases of fake radicalism, how to streng the reactionaries and progressives, the Left party. Some of the leaders, and the majarticles and editorials we advocated the polthen the revolutionists as against the re and the Right, in the Why ority of the workers, who started as pro icy of the united front toward the new moveformists this is the crux of the problem. should it? It is much more apt to hasten gressives, will be swept along with us into ment. In doing so, we emphasized the fact the schism between those who make such One way to insure defeat is to adopt the stream of Communism. Most of the that the movement of Progressivism had a united front and the standpoint of Com present leaders of the Communist parties a two sided character. On the one the ostrich policy of ultra Left adventurism side, munism. For this inference we already which the official party has pursued over a came through this door and they should be we said, it reflected radicalization of the have the fate of Miller and his group to the last to deny that others can do the workers growing within the old unions as period of two years. The complete bankshow. For the other inference there is same.
well as in the ranks of the unorganized ruptcy of these tactics has already been nothing to show.
demonstrated. But an even more certain And there can be nothing.
masses. On the other side we defined the The Lovestone opportunists regard the role of the leaders of the movement as fol. guarantee of failure would be the attitude The united front, as Lenin taught it, united front tactic as something that canlows: Their role, objectively speaking, is toward the progressive reformists re is a means of mobilizing the masses and not be applied without an actual agreement to express this radicalization in words, to commended and demonstated by the Love leading them in the direction of the revoof some kind with the reformists. That is harness it in action and to head it off from stone Right wing That is, of fusion with lution. It is not a partnership with re.
why their principal activity consists in snitany real collision with the capitalists and Muste and Co. The crudest expression of formists but a form of struggle against fing around the back door of some taker the of machine. We said: The this policy is represented by Bert Miller them. It does not mean to rely on them or other offering blocs which cost the new movement is a challenge to the Com who has gone over, bag and baggage, to the but to distrust them. Its value arises from fakers nothing. Witness the deal with munists for the leadership of the coming and is advertising it as the the form in which it is proposed more than Levy (read: Sigman) in the fights; and we advocated the tactic of the rallying center of the Left wing.
in actual agreements, and it is more fre To mention little things with big ones, united front as the weapon of the CommunFor joining the Muste organization he quently realized in that way, although agree Weisbord also offered to educate us along ists. Quotations from the Mhitant, March and his group have been expelled from the ments can and should be made at times. this line.
1, 1929. Lovestone faction, but at bottom their posi On this last point the third period stra That conception is wrong. It derives The events of the past two years, and tions are identical. The conflict between tegy which rejects all agreements with re from Brandler, not from Lenin. The validespecially the more recent developments, them is more formal than real. The Rev. formists is profoundly false and reduces ity of the united front tactie does not at have revived interest in this dispute and, olutionary Age advocates a bloc with the the whole conception of the united front all depend upon formal agreements with re incidentally, have confirmed the opinion for the development of a pro to a meaningless caricature.
formists. It depends only on such a formuwe expressed in the above mentioned article gressive, a Leftward movement in the From this point of view we think the lation of the demands and conditions that that the question would remain a live one trade unions. And in doing so it puts Communists should attack the progressive they are comprehensible to the workers as and take on even greater importance. In no conditions to the progressives, it does menace to the awakening labor movement the necessary basis of struggle for their our opinion the policy of the Opposition has not criticize and expose their actual rôle with the proposal of a united front on the burning demands. The question whether stood up and could be restated now as the and warn the workers not to trust them.
concrete questions of the day. This prothe reformists accept the conditions does correct line for the Communists. The em On the contrary it deliberately misleads the posal should be made openly and should not depend their wishes. They are phasis, however, must now be shifted to workers into the belief that the division of weather cocks. The decisive factor is the contain certain stipulations and demands to another phase of the question, because the labor between Right and Left in the be complied with before the agreement and pressure of the masses. From this it folpositions of the factions have radically is a conflict in principle, and as a condition for the agreement. One of lows that the most important aspect of the changed.
It holds out the illusion of a union of the these conditions since we dont take any widespread and intelligently conducted agiunitel front tactic is not negociations but Left forces in the PL. with the The Foster faction is on the verge of a thing on credit should be the immediate tation.
Communists in the building up of a Left big swing to the Right. The Lovestone schism with all elements tied to the refaction has already made the swing. It is wing movement in the trade unions. See actionary bureaucracy of the of Under such circumstances the refusal Gitlow article in the Feb. 14th issue. and the Black Hundreds in no longer necessary to explain to the Right of the reformists to agree to our proposals the needle Such a policy would deceive and disonly serves to unmask them and to rob wing that Communists must not reject the trades, the Jewish Daily Forward, etc.
arm the Left wing workers. If Muste and their demagogy of its power to influence idea of a united front under certain conother so called Lefts can be expected to In making such a proposal for a united the workers. On the other hand it provides ditions with reformists, including the 90mak: anion with the Communists, why front the Communists should tell the work the basis to extend and give point to our called progressives. They are shouting 80 have they organized the as a ers plainly that the progressives are not work among the masses for the practical loud now for a united front at any price that union with the reactionaries against the to be trusted and that a revolutionary pro program embodied in our united front pro they recall the Russian proverb which Lenin Communists? Why did they support Fish gram is the only program from which a real posals. We still appear before the workers quoted to people who contradicted them wick and through him Lewis against the fighting policy in the daily struggle can flow. as the advocates of the united front and the selves: Don spit in the well you may Left wing? Why did they support McMahon If the pressure of the workers for radical result, no less than in the case of a formal want to drink out of it.
in the Textile field against the National action is strong enough to No, it is necessary now discuss compel the agreement, is to widen the mass movement to Textile Workers Union? Why did they pseudo progressive leaders, or a section on the problem from another angle. Two years and strengthen the influence of the Comexpel Calhoun, the lone Communist or Comthem, to meet our conditions, we will make munists within it. And that is the real ago the weight of argument had to be placed munist sympathizer, from the faculty of the agreement and go with them into a comon the tactic of the united front against purpose, and the justification, of the policy Brookwood College? Was all of this and mon struggle.
of the united front.
people who were opposing it in principle.
Now we must emphasize the conditions and the limits of the united front. This apa plies to the Right wing already today, and to the Fosterites who are swinging to the LONDON.
as the comforts of work at beadquarters though they had been uttered in the Labour Right it will be necessary tomorrow.
The revolt against the bureaucracy of attracted him. Today the workers know Party.
There is nothing in the conduct of the inefficients which controls the in this him no more. He sits with the rest in a What is to be done? The machine is pseudo progressives for the past two year country makes slow progress. The great high chair at King Street, drafting manistrong. It has the support of Stalin and to merit any more confidence than we exdifficulty with us, lacking a full time or festos and voluminous instructions which pressed in our first analysis of their move.
ganizer, is to make contacts and to discuss betray his present lack of understanding of ment. On the contrary, the estimate of the situation. with which thousands of the real needs of the workers, and which, But if the revolution is to live in Brlthem should be written in harsher words good revolutionaries are disgusted with Op because of their impossibilist nature, have tain unless Fascism is to gain the followof condemnation. And this applies to the positionists in other parts of the country. helped to drive thousands of rank and file ing, of millions of disgusted and disheartentire progressive leadership without any ened proletarians the bureaucrats must be Our greatest handicap is the lack of any. comrades out of the party in disgust, while exceptions. Every single one them, from removed.
thing in the nature of your excellent paper. repelling other thousands of potential memMuste to Howat. played the contempti.
However, everything has to have a be bers.
Under their control, the Daily Worker, ble role of decoy for the reactionaries. The ginning and we are helped by the fact Pollitt is no whit worse than his colwhich at this moment should have a cirlatest, and most flagrant instance, is the that the tide is setting strongly in our leagues in the bureaucracy. Will Gallacher, culation of 50, 000, has in fact fewer than shameful betrayal of the Illinois miners, favour. The party, under the present lead in the war years and the years immediately 000 subscribers and much fewer readers. betrayal made possible by the so called ership, is regarded as a joke by its oppon after, commanded a great following among The party. which once certainly had 20, 000 progressives who rallied the insurgent minents and a tragie failure by its would be the engineering and allied workers for his members exerting influence out of all proes and led them back into the reactionary fine work on the Clyde. He became a serportion to its numbers, has now fewer than camp.
Nothing is more certain at this time. ious challenger for the leadership of the 500 active adherents.
There is good reason to think that the when great masses of workers are in revolt Engineering Union.
This at a time when millions of workpresent crisis is preparing a much wider field against worsened conditions, against the Where does Gallacher stand today? ers are on the verge of struggle and when for the exploration of the progressives and surrender advice of their leaders, than that True, he still works hard, but where once thousands of militants who might lead the thereby will magnify the problem of the the party is helpless and hopeless that it he was a leader of organized workers, his struggle are helpless to do so because the Communist attitude.
the workers are to be successful in the new following now consists of a few unorgan party has become a joke and revolutionaries The staggering burdens of the crisis are wave of struggle it must be under the lead ized workers whom he addressed the have no other organizations.
heing loaded onto the shoulders of the ership of those who, although at present street corner and in lecture halls. Withont We have a big job. But we re getting workers. Millions have been torn away unorganized, will the future constitute disparaging the work on the street corner, on with it.
from their fancied security and hurled into the Opposition in Great Britain.
it must be obvious to all that work in the SPARTACUS.
the ranks of the unemployed. Millions of Who are the bureaucrats who trade union movement is the more valuaothers are suffering drastic reductions of have brought the prestige of the party so ble.
their income, by wage cuts and part time low? And why has it happened?
Tom Bell and others also haunt King IN THE NEXT ISSUE employment. wholesale lowering of the Harry Pollitt is general secretary of Street and an occasional street corner to Pressure of space compelled us to omit workers living standards is being effected. the party. For years this comrade fought the exclusion of trade union work. Years from this issue a considerable amount of What result can this have on the minds a good fight in the Boilermakers Union, in ago these comrades mattered among the or timely material which will be included in of the workers?
the Labour Party, and, particularly, in the ganized workers. Today their names are the next issue of the Militant. The forthAs we see it, the main effect will be to factory. His stock stood high among the unknown.
coming number, therefore, will contain an shatter the illusions which have been the workers, and because he was a good party And so the party has suffered. Protests article on the recent developments in the greatest barrier against the organization of member, working in the only way that com from a rank and file which has always Soviet Union, the continuation of the artia militant class movement. The discontent munists can work if the party and the work been weak, and so much engrossed in ser cle revealing the state of affairs in the of the masses will increase by leaps and ing class are to benefit to the greatest possi ious work among the masses as to have no Hungarian Benefit Society, the Young Vanbounds and will seek for radical expression. ble extent, the party gained in prestige and time for the problems at headquarters, have guard page devoted to the problems of the And this will not be confined to the period strength.
nevertheless often been utered especially working youth, in addition to many other of the crisis. It is perhaps more reason In the past few years, Pollitt real at district conferences but these have all articles on events of importance to the revable to calculate that the crisis represents revolutionary work decreased in proportion been machined over as ruthlessly as olutionary and labor movements.
the friends.