The International Conference of the Rights terdependence (Thalheimer says: unity) between the development of the Soviet Union and that of the capitalist world. Since such a dependence does not exist according to Thalheimer and Roy, objectively there does not exist, according to Thalheimer, any connection between the Russian and the policies of the Stalinist régime.
But since the facts of the crisis in the Russian and in the cannot be denied by Thalheimer himself, he is forced to take another step on the road of dualism: the schema of the Russian revolution cannot be applied to Germany, which has an entirely different substance. And since each revolution has its own laws, its own schema, the wisdom of Roy, according to whom the lack of competence forbids the different sections to interfere in the problems of the others, is fully confirmed. National limitedness has so to speak, found its theoretical expression.
Is the existence of a crisis in the heart of the Russian and the then simply accidental? No, it is due to the fact that it is artifically transferred from the Russian into the think the theoreticians of national limitedness.
Fighting in defense of his correct line against the more or less false (occasionally they also say: counter revolutionary) conceptions of Trotskyism, Stalin, according to them, transfers the schema of the Russian revolution and all of its problems to the altogether unable to recognize the fact that if a Right wing and a Left wing exist in the Soviet Union, it does not necessarily follow that the same must take place in the The historic fact that on the trail of the temporary stabilization of the capitalist system, there followed not only a wave of reaction, that swept over Europe, but also an era of political and social reaction, that settled on the territory of the proletarian dicatorship the spokesmen of the new dualism do not recognize at all.
How can they then understand that the domination of Centrism in the Russian and in the is only a reflection of these real phenomena, how can they understand that they themselves, their ideology and their inability detach themselves from the questions and the methods of yesterday only mirror the pressure that the elements of stabilization brought upon the revolutionary party. How can they recognize the fact that this differentiation must reveal itself most strongly in the Russian party, which, being the party of the proletarian dictatorship, must of necessity assume the character of a monopoly. Is it not deplorable to see Roy end up by wanting to prove that in the proletarian party there cannot, in principle, be any place for the birth of ideas unique to the enemy class. But the proletariat is so clearly separated from all other classes (the demarca tion is more clear in one case than in an other) that in its party there is no place for representatives of other classes, with the exception of adventurers and provoca.
teurs. That is why the differences of opin ion inside the Communist party do not signify a clash of different class interests. Gegen den Strom, No. 46 Nov. 16, 1929. The Right wing Opposition is international. As international as the conditions themselves that have produced it. But there is no international Right Opposition. There is only the sum of the various national Right wingers, confined by the narrow national problems each country. They do not represent the party of tomorrow, which will surmount the crisis and which, under the pressure of the Left, will find its path in the rising wave of the revolution. They represent the party of yesterday, a definite period in its development which the party has overcome. In Germany, the type of the Rights is most strongly developed. There the specific traits manifest themselves most clearly. It was there, also, that history once (1923) put them to the test and they failed.
Berlin. January 1931.
Results of the Minneapolis Special Election In the middle of December, representaBY KURT LANDAN ves of the German, Swedish, Czecho Sloraklan, Alsatian and probably several other not sufficiently competent to do so (Roy. Right wing opposition groups met in a con raises in this manner its spirit of national ference held at Berlin, in order to create an limitedness to the degree of a principle. International Communist Oppbedition. This national limitednuss naturally leads The managers of this International to a degeneration of the Right wing cadres called by Brandler, whose theoretical pillant which have not broken subjectively with are Roy and Thalhelmer, seemed Communism. This holds true especially for at first ill at case. Instead of making the working class cadres of the German known the fundamental lines of their proRiyht, which have been raised in the era. lt Fram, International News (No. 9, 1930. the of a autonomous Germar. Communism.
International Information bulletin of the In contradistinction to the French Rights, Rights publishes an article of embarrassed the Brandlerites do not reject the fundadefense to prove that the International of mental theoretical principles of Marxismthe Rights is a unity that has grown up Leninism. However, lead, by their organically and that it does not at all signlatest course of development, to an unbridg.
ify, as Trotsky and the Trotskyites contend, able contradiction on the subject of these reciprocal tolerance of opportunist horse principles. The point of departure of this deals.
Inevitable development is their dualism. And Thalheimer the style as well as the division of the world and the acthe content betray the pen of the master cording to the following point of view: the after using the example of the Brunn op Soviet Union can build up socialism withposttion in attempting to prove that the out being affected by international capitalorganic unity of the international Right soon ism. And that is not meant only objectiverld itself painlessly of opportunist devia ly, but by the course pursued at present, Hong, observes with great satisfaction for the same people who are responsible What put the Trotsky Opposition on its for the introduction of so many false concepfeet is a caricature of the methods of the tions in the follow in Russian affairs leadership, pushed to their extreme: a line that is, as a whole, correct (Roy. It is the replacement of the Executive This division of the into a Russian by a counter Executive limiting itself to the wing that is conducted correctly and an person of Trotsky and functioning in the International wing that conducted wrongmanner of a sect leadership. This just ly, is not accidental, but is the expression Ides the existence of the new Internation of the theory of socialism in one country al extended to its extreme by Thalheimer.
Is Thero An International Right Opposition?
While Lenin taught that the Soviet Union Thalheimer answers in the affirmative.
cannot detach itself from the entity of the world market that it is, in a certain sense He attempts to prove that the national Right wing groups have a common estimabound to it and that for example, the retion of the situation, of the methods and lation between the domestic prices and obectives of struggle. Unfortunately, he the world market is of primary importance for the decisive struggle between the two torgets to say on this occasion that besides this general agreement, there exist neverabsolutely hostile social systems socialism and capitalism Thalheimer teaches us that theless little differences. Thus, the American Rights think that the resolutions of there is no sense in speaking of the inthe 6th World Congress of the are cor rect, but merely wrongly applied: while for the European Rights the decline of the begins with the Sixth Congress itself.
As you see, the beauty of the Right InterMINNEAPOLIS national Its little defects.
The death of John Ryan, for years Other matters deserve a certain amount Street Car Co. boss of the First Ward, preof our attention. While in Germany a vlosented an opportunity to the Communist Lent struggle 18 being carried on against movement. The First ward is seven eighths the so called legend of the October of proletarian. Consisting mostly of Russians, 1923. while Brandler, Thalheimer, Frölich Poles, Ukrainians, Italians and some Irish, and Walcher constantly seek to prove that it is the stronghold of Catholic reaction, the revolution was impossible in 1923 and It has, therefore, been the stamping ground that the Brandler saved the Gerfor the most reactionary politicians on pracman party precisely by not attempting that tically every major issue. It is easy to exwhich was objectively impossible, the theorplain why this ward has been a hard nut etical brain of the Right International. to crack for the Communists. Roy is of an entirely different opinton when he writes: Came hard times, unemployment, soup If a wrong leadership was the cause kitchens, evictions and such. Many a loyal church member began to question the abilof the defeat, then the German comradee ity of the Holy Trinity to do anything in cannot alone be held responsible (Gegen this crisis. In general a breaking away den Strom, No. 50, 1929. Emphasis mine from the conservative traditions can be seen in recent times, on the part of the Of course, the Right wingers of all workers of this section of town. The eleccountries have numerous common traits. In tion of a Farmer Laborite to office is an France, these respectable gentlemen the munindication of this Icipal councillors of the Workers and Persants Party reject the policy of Cachin.
Certainly this is an excellent field for Semard and Monmousseau. The same holds spreading the Communist message. So we true in Alsace. This rejection of the polie went to the Communist party members. Will ies of the is common to all Right wingthe party put up a candidate in this special election? No. The party members ers. Only in the reasons which they give 16 there a slight distinction. Brandler, for were told that the party could not afford example, rejects Thälmann for his nationalcampaign at present, and besides this was Ist deviations, whtle Mourer and Hueber an unimportant election. The main elecicondemn Doriot and Baron for putting obtion, they said, would be the city wide elecptacles in the way of the defense of the tion in the spring. We urged the party comfatherland and the rights of the Alsatian rades to put up a candidate, promising our people. This much can be recognized: the support, especially since the Farmer Labor organic agreements consist of a common party had filed a candidate. But they told rejection of the policies of the and not us this question was already settled.
in common conceptions of a Communist polWe could not agree that the Farmer Laicy that can be counterposed to that of Cen bor party should go unchallenged in this trism proletarian ward. Furthermore, of the 11 But it is not in the questions of which candidates filed, there was no representathey speak but those that they keep silent tive of organiged labor, no spokesman of on, that the nationally limited spirit of the the working class.
Right wingers expresses itself most strongly. Our executive committee consequently This is especially valid insofar as the fund filed comrade John Brinda for Alderman.
amental problems of the Russian revolution, Comrade Brinda is a member of the Upholin the post Leninist period are concerned. sterers Union and well known in the city The reasons why we take a stand toward and ward as organizer and leader of the these questions with an ever greater em Brooks Parlor Furniture strike. He joined phasis and why we see in the problems of the Communist League some time after the the proletarian dictatorship in the strike as a direct ressult of the participaR. the fundamental problems of the Com tion of the Communists in that strike.
munist movement in general are the same as We issued 10, 000 leaflets dynamically those which led Marx to attach so great an portraying the issues of the election: the importance to the Paris Commune, and to misery of the unemployed, their families draw from the experiences the necessary and children, the hypocriey and corruption conclusions for the strategy of the proletar of the Community Fund and other charity ian revolution.
agencies, the false promises of the bosses Communist group, which its own and their servants in office; and calling volltion refuses to broach the problems of upon the workers to support the whole the Russian revolution, and which restricts Communist program: the ultimate as well Itself to declaring that the other sections as the immediate demands. We called for of the International do not want to inter the establishment of Unemployed Commitfere within the internal and external activ tees who would be empowered to requisition.
ities of the Russian because they are suitable vacant buildings for administration of relief; 50, 000 from the Community Fund for these committees; No evictions for nonpayment of rent; free milk and food for all unemployed workers children; no discrimination against foreign born or noncitizens in city work; no private employment agencies, this work to be handled by the Unemployed Committees and the Unions.
We called for a bold and energetic fight for these proposals. At the same time we stated that Every worker must be made to understand that under the capitalist sysstem there is no permanent solution and we brought forward the slogan ORGANIZE FOR THE OVERTHROW OF CAPITALISM!
The party bureaucrats learned of our campaign only two days before the primary elections. can imagine Karl Reeve rage and anxiety for his job when he discovered our campaign. What deviations would the now find in his criminal neglect in not filing a candidate! Desperate, but not to be outdone, he issued a last minute frenzied leaflet, throwing logic and responsibility to the winds, denounced Brinda as a traitor of the working class, and an agent of the bosses.
Comrades throughout the country are familiar with the careless and irresponsible statements made by the party officials in their hateful attacks on the Left Opposition. But should like here to enumerate a few typical misstatements of fact used to deceive militant workers. The Trotskyites make alliances with the Farmer Labor Party. Any worker who reads the Militant, or followed our campaign against the Farmer Labor Party last summer on the streets of Minneapolis knows this is a lie. Furthermore, our candidate ran AGAINST the Farmer Labor candidate (Kauth) while the party did not see it to file against him. Reeve attack on the Left Opposition therefor was an AID to the Farmer Labor Party. Party comrades should think this over carefully. John Brinda poses as a Communist. He is a member of the Communist League of America (Opposition. No pose is necessary. He was thrown out of the Communist party. Brinda never was a member of the Communist party. He is a traitor and proven enemy of the working class. Try to convince his militant fellow workers who know him, especially the Brooks strikers. The Communist party denounces this candidate as a fraud and an agent of the bosses of this city to confuse the workers and lead them away from a real strug.
gle for immediate relief. Emphasis in this original. The broadcasting of this scurrilous literature caused large numbers of Left workers to vote for the Farmer Labor party, or, in disgust, to abstain altogether. The result is a low rate for Communism. Because of the division in the ranks of Communism, Brinda vote was cut in two or three.
He received 86 votes, while the winner, Kanth (finally elected) received in the 800 The other eight candidates ranged from 100 to 600. One candidates received 50.
The party sticker candidate was not recorded.
In this coming city elections, we hope the Communist party will file a full slate of candidates. It has been our established policy in the interest of Communist unity, always to support the Communist party where it has candidates, and conduct a campaign for them on our own platform.
More sympathizers are coming to our aid and helping to lighten our financial burdens. In this connection the Communist League of Minneapolis wishes to express its appreciation to the following, who helped to defray the expenses in the First Ward Campaign. Those who requested their names be withheld are marked Anon. Anon, 10. 00; Skoglund, 00; Lebedoff, 00; Saffrin, 00: Sam Lessin, 00; Glaser, 00; Dr. Kurtz. 00; Dunne, 50; Anon. 1ea. 00; Wise, 00; Bortnick. 00. Eikin,. 50; Anon,. 50. Anon. 00.
trend.
10 Red Needle Workers (Continued from Page 7)
liquidators of the Lovestone camp, we propose to the worker members of the party to march together with the workers of the Opposition to strengthen the Left wing and Communism. We are convinced that this united front, based not upon a submerging of principle differences, but upon the acute need of the day, will produce highly beneficial results for the movement as a whole.
Those leaders who oppose this united front of the Communist workers are standing the way of the progress of the movement.
Here too we are convinced that the party members will measure up to the task, and, actuated by their devotion to the cause, will know how to act.
Against the reactionaries! Against the Levys and their brand of traitors! Against the Right wing liquidators of the Lovestone group!
For a united front of the party members and the Left Opposttion!
Forward to the unity and victory of the Left wing!
The Needle Trades Group, Communist League of America (Opposition. Sylvia Bleeker, Secretary