A Retreat in Full Disorder Ferment in the German Right Wing Group Manuilsky on Democratic Dictatorship of the democratic dictatorship as against the proletarian? To this there is no answer.
And there will not be. Manuilsky is ordered not to clear up the question but to cover up the traces.
In the October revolution, the democratic tasks grew over into socialist under the In the anniversary number of Pravda The democratie dictatorship can be con plemented graduallo and planfully by soc unchanged domination of the proletariat. November Marruilsky once more shows trasted only to the proletarian socialist dic ialist elements.
One can therefore draw a distinction is what the present leadership of the Comin tatorship. The one differs from the other The Tutor of Manuilsky understood, only relatively) between the de tern is worth We will analyze briefly that by the character of the class holding power Who did these people learn from? From mocratic period of the October revolution part of his anniversary reflections devoted and by the social content of its historical Victor Chernov. It is precisely he who, in and the socialist period; but one cannot disto China, and which amounts, in essence, work. If the democratic dictatorship is to 1905 06, outlined such a Russian revolution tinguish between the democratic and the to a cowardly, consciously confused, and occupy itself not with clearing the road for as would be neither bourgeois nor socialist, socialist dictatorships because the democratherefore all the more dangerous semi capit capitalist development, as the Bolshevik but democratic and would gradually be sup tie was non existent.
ulation to the theory of the permanent revo schema outlined in 1905 stated, but on plemented by socialist elements. No, Man In addition, we have heard from Manlution.
the contrary, with a consistent confiscation uilsky did not make much use of the apple uilsky that in China the democratic dieta1. revolutionray democratic dictatorship of the enterprises belonging to foreign and of wisdom torship, from the very beginning, will be conof the peasantry and proletariat in China. Chinese capital. as outlined by Manuil5. Funther: the Chinese revolution in fronted with a consistent confiscation of the Manuilsky writes, will differ essentially sky, then ask: Wherein does this demo its transition from capitalism to socialism enterprises, which means the expropriation from the democratic dictatorship outlined. cratic dictatorship differ from the socialist? will have more intermediate stages than our of the bourgeoisie. This means that there by the Bolsheviks in the 1905 06 revolution. In no way. Then does it mean that Manuil. October revolution; but the periods of its will be democratic stage of the The democratic dictatorship was out sky, for the second time after a lapse of growing over into a socialist revolution will proletarian dictatorship. Under these conlined by the Bolsheviks not only in 1905 twelve years, has bitten into the apple of be considerably shorter than the periods out ditions, where will the democratie dictatorbut also in 1917 and in all the years between the permanent theory? He bit without lined. by the Bolsheviks for the demo ship come from?
the two revolutions. But only outlined. really taking a bite: this will yet be seen. cratie dictatorship in 1905.
Ma nuilsky injudicious construction Events served as a test. Manullsky. like Our astrologer has drawn the balance would be entirely impossible were he to com4. We read one phrase after another.
his teacher Stalin, does not reflect upon the The presence of socialist elements will be to everything in advance to the stages, to pare the Chinese revolution with the Ruspoints of resemblance and the points of the periods, and the length of the periods. sian as it actually developed, and not with the specific. pecularity of the revolutiondifference of the Chinese revolution with ary democratie dictatorship of the proletarHe only forgot the ABC of Communism. the one that was outlined. and at that, the three Russian revolutions no, with such It appears that under democracy, capitalism to confuse and distort the outline. And to lat and peasantry in China. Not a bad comparisons they would be unable to prewill grow over into socialism in a series of what purpose is all this? In order to re serve the fiction of the democratie dictator specifie peculiarity!
stages. And the power will it remain the treat without retreating, in order to give up ship, and together with it, the fiction of The democratic dictatorship was always same in this process or will it change? What the reactionary formula of the democratic their theoretical reputations. Therefore these thought of by the Bolsheviks as a bourgeois class will hold power under the democratic dictatorship or, as they say in China, to gentlemen do not compare the Chinese re democratic dictatorship, and not as a super dictatorship and what class under the soc save face. But on the face of Stalin Manvolution with the real Russian revolution, class one, and was contrasted to the socialist ialist? If different classes will hold power uilsky have already written, first, Chiang but with the one that was outlined. It dictatorship only in this the only possible then they can supplant each other only by Kai Shek and then Wang Chin Wei. Enough!
is much easier in this way to confuse and sense. Now it appears that in China there new revolution, and not through the The face is already sufficiently descriptive.
to throw dust in the eyes.
will be a democratic dictatorship with growing over of the power of one class They will no longer succeed in saving it.
Russia and China socialist elements. Between the bourgeois into the power of another. On the other Manuilsky theoretical confusion is directed and socialist régimes the class abyss thus hand, if it is assumed that in both periods against the basic interests of the Chinese In what respect then does the revodisappears, everything is dissolved into pure one and the same class will dominate, that revolution. The Chinese Bolshevik Leninists lution taking place in China differ from the democracy, and this pure democracy is sup is, the proletariat, then what is the meaning will reveal this.
one outlined in Russia. In fact, we are taught by Manuilsky, that the Chinese revolution is directed against the whole system of world imperialism! It is true that this was the basis upon which Manuilsky yesterday depended for the revolution BERLIN Our decisive mistake was the fact that all the trappings of Left conciliationism. At ary role of the Chinese bourgeoisie as The more acute the crisis becomes in we did not recognize the lonrectness of any rate, this comrade has read our literaagainst the Bolshevik position outlined in Russia, the quicker the Rights are forced Trotsky proposals in 1927, when he de ture and not without profit as his posi1905. Today, however, Manuilsky conto take an open position regarding the fundmanded a rational and appropriate tempo of tion on the Russian economic problems clusions are different: The difficulties of amental questions of socialist construction. industrialization and collectivization. Trot shows. Among other things, he says: the Chinese revolution are tremendous; and sky pamphlet on the German situation conthis is precisely why the victorious move The leadership of the Rights has had to tains a wealth of positive points of view. No further clarification is necessary ment of the Chinese Red Army on the indus express itself on these questions only of We must attempt to come closer to these to establish the fact that collectivization trial centers of China had to balt at Chang late. After Bucharin had once hore pergroups.
can raise the productivity of agriculture only sha. It would have been much more sim haps finally capitulated, Brandler and in the measure in which the state is able Thalheimer hastened to emphasize in loud However, in the resolution introduced ple and honest to say that the partisan to provide the necessary technical basis.
and audible tones their approbation of by Walcher, Enderle and himself, the politipeasant detachments in the absence of revo With an exaggerated tempo, the danStalin general line.
cal shyness shall we say of the Left con ger always exists that the prescribed quanlutionary uprisings in the cities, found themciliators finds very strong expression. The tity will be obtained at the cost of quality selves powerless to take possession of the Brandler perspective is very transpar loyal critics of the Thalheimer tendency do.
industrial and political centers of the country. Wasn this clear to Marxists before ent. Departing from the view that a vic not even dare to declare that they consider tory for fascism in Germany would mean the theory of socialism in one country to At the same time, Hubert declares that hand?
be false, but content themselves with talmu the shooting of three Trotskyists and the an extraordinary aggravation of the war But Manuilsky must needs rescue Stalin danger for the Soviet Union, he is hoping distically diplomatic remarks.
course towards the physical destruction of speech at the Sixteenth Congress. Here is prominent that thru the complete failure of the party Oppositionists how he fulfills this task: The Chinese re (Hubert, of We must state that the realization of course, means primarily Rakovsky, but does volution has at its disposal a Red Army, it leadership in the struggle for the masses, socialism is not only a social economic and not mention his name) will have disinte Stalin will be forced to drop Thomannis in possession of a considerable territory, technical problem. The tasks of socialism grating effects on the party.
at this very moment it is creating on this Remmele Neumann, or, at least, to form a can only be completed as the conscious work coalition central committee of Centrists and territory a Soviet system of workers and of the working class. The working class can Hubert then turns in his article against peasants power in whose government the Rights. All the preparations are now being become mature for this work only through the demagogic polemics of Stalin against Communists are in the majority. And this made for this longed for bloc. Brandler Trotsky, Bucharin, Rykov, etc. at the Sixits own conscious activity.
knows that the is ready to concondition permits the proletariat to realize Thus the altogether too shy Left concilteenth Party Congress and demands: not only an ideological but also a state hege cede in purely German questions, provided lators try to remove the question of social We non Russian Communists must dethe correctness of the Stalinist general line mony over the peasantry. Our emphasis. ist construction from the central question of fend the point of view that the voice of the The fact that the Communists, as the is acknowledged. Thus, for instance, a comperspective (national socialist society or Oppositionists must be given expression on promise has been concluded between the révolutionary and most self sacrificing elesolution of the contradictions by the interthe basis of party democracy and that soli party leadership and the Ullstein nucleus, ments, appear at the head of the peasant national revolution. to the question of the tary confinement, expulsion, banishment, the strongest in the party. The nucleus was movement and the armed peasant detachinternal régime of the party, in the factorexile (Trotsky) must be revoked.
readmitted after it had remained outside ments is quite natural in itself and is also ies, etc.
Hubert does not differentiate between extraordinarily important in the symptomthe party for months. Such a compromise was possible as the nucleus leaders in their The professional opportunists of BrandLefts and Rights. He opposes Stalin atatic sense. But this does not change the ler or Thalheimer cut naturally detect in tack against the Lefts as well as against fact that the Chinese workers find themconsultations with us had declared from the the Rights. That is the sheerest sort of conselves throughout their vast country under first only after their approval of the Stalin this tendency a very serious danger. It is ist general line had safe guarded the retreat. true that they do not particularly fear the ciliationism. We are not opposed in printhe heel of the Chinese bourgeoisie and loyal opposition (Walcher, Frölich, Endciple to the struggle of the party against foreign imperialism. In what way can the While Brandler Thalheimer are adopterle, Rosie Wolfstein, Erna Halbe, Jacob members who hold different views, not even proletariat realize state hegemony over ing a course towards Stalin, there is growSchlör, etc. but they do fear and rightly to organizational measures when there is the peasantry, when the state power is not ing, on the soil of the opportunism sown so, that the poison of Trotskyism will no other way left. But we will resist with in its hands? It is absolutely impossible to by them, a conception among the memberpenetrate into the cadres of the Rights. And all our power a Centrist party bureaucracy understand this. The leading role of the ship of the Rights that the can be so Brandler again paints which has been usurping power through specter of isolated Communists and the isolated Comconsidered as already lost. In a whole anti Bolshevism on the wall and proves force and unprecedented pressure, expelling munists groups in the peasant war does not series of organizations throughout the counby old factional documents that he and Thaland persecuting the revolutionary Bolshevik decide the question of power. Classes detry. the Rights are adopting a path towards heimer had already in Moscow taken a posigroup. It was we who demanded the strugcide and not parties. The persant war may a split in the left and for a new tion against Trotskyism without any reservagle against the Rights.
support the dictatorship the proletariat, edition of the Independent that tions, and that the Opposition now demands if they coincide in point of time, but under When we look with great scepticism on Fundametnally, is, towards capitulation.
a revision of our basic views. The means Stalin struggle against the Rights, it is no circumstances can it be substituted for these two tendencies are not to be distinby which Brandler Thalheimer and Leo because Stalin, through his adventurist polthe dictatorship of the proletariat. Is it guished from one another and will separate (Thalheimer young man) proceed against icies since the middle of 1928, has. created possible that the loaders of the Comintern only when the hopes of Brandler are reatheir loyal opposition, are known from the a much stronger basis for a consolidation have not learned even this from the experi lized, when Stalin grants acceptable condidays of the Brandler and have of the Rights than the purely administrative ences of the three Russian revolutions?
tions for capitulation. Momentarily, this not changed in the least. banality, which expulsion campaign contributes to weaken Manuilsky Democratie Tasks does not seem to be the case.
masquerades as proletarian bluntness them. Bucharin may capitulate ten times Let us listen to Manuilsky further. Of late, a third tendency has begun to (Brandler, the building trades worker. the over, Stalin himself is creating every hour All these. conditions lead to the fact crystalize among the Rights, in Berlin as application of the clumsiest demagogic twists the prerequisites for a new growth of less in order to distort the views of the Opposithat a revolutionary clemocratic dictatorship well as in the country. Doubtless this famous but nevertheless more substantial tion.
in China will be confronted with the neces tendency has come under the influence of our leaders of the Right. We must look these sity of a consistent confiscation of the en own clarification work. tendency of Left At the plenum of the Rights on Decemfacts in the eye and draw the conclusions terprises belonging to foreign and Chinese conclliators is being formed which has not ber 4, the Brandler majority received 91 from them.
capital. Our emphasis. yet been consolidated into a group, which votes while the minority numbered 43. At At any rate, this voice of an unknown All these conditions is a commonplace is as yet in itself incoherent, but whose the national conference of the Right wing in the paper of the Rights is remarkable whose purpose is to cover up the gap that development we must follow with the great on December 13, the Berlin organization is proof that the wise doctors of the Thalheiwas created in the old position. But the est attention. This tendency of Left con to be presented by three delegates mer school have not as yet found an effeccenter of gravity in the phrase quoted above ciliators which is represented in Czecho of the minority and two of the tive method against the poison of Trotskyis not in all these conditions but in one Slovakia by Michalec, and in Austria by Isa minority. These internal struggles of the ism.
single condition. Manuilsky has been in Strasser, is represented in Germany by Rights are partially reflected in their prese. We Left wingers nurture no illusions.
structed to maneuver away from the demo Frölich, Walcher and Enderle. Frölich goes Gegen den Strom, No. 49, publishes a dis But we are attentively observing these procratic dictatorship and to cover up the a good bit further than the others. In the cussion article of the Brandlerite Hubert, cesses and we will leave no stone unturned This is why Manuilsky so diligent membership meeting of the Berlin Rights who goes quite a bit further than even to point out the road forward to the work. kilfully, wags his tail. he stated. Frölich, nevertheless still dragging along ers of the Right wing.