1 Retween Black and Red The Danger of Fascism in Germany The German proletariat is marching «1923» Upside Down a The cdvance of Faccism has alarmed By KURT LANDAU reformism today, then, smashing the social the proletariat. The results of the Saxony democratic leadership, it will crush Faselections are thoroughly discussed in all either so far as numbers are concerned, or instance.
While Hitler demands foreign cism at the head of the working class. Or, the factories, at the registry offices, where ardor, activity and impetus of our Party. political support of Italy and England, the the Party leadership will continue further ever workers gather.
Berlin Fascists stand on the line of Grat with its policy of ultra Leftist opportunism.
But it is nit the Saxony elections The Weakness of Communist Reventlow of 1923, that ts, support of Then Fascism will draw to itself large secalone that have refuted the binded lead Leadership the Strength Russia tions that still follow reformism today, ere of our Party.
These differences have now led to a neutralize and drive into passivity larger still greater extent for the developments in of Fascism split of the National Socialists (Fascists. sections and bloodily crush the Communist Thuringia. On May 9, the Rote Fahne edthe relatively small Berlin group around vanguard in order, after this triumph, to itorial took up the reactionary policy of In the days that Fascism utilized to Dr. Strasser has now formed the Kampf forge the fetters around the whole workFrick in Thuringia and the anti labor atti prepare a mighty advance, the period of gemeinschaft revolutionaerer Nationalsoz ing class.
tude of the National Socialists (Fascisti. the coalition government, in this period lalisten which sees its task in the absorp Decisive struggles are approaching.
and reached the conclusion: the Central Committee of our Party did tion of the elements dissatisfied with the The dangers with which the working class No wonder that all this affected the pot see the growth of Fascism at all, bu!
bourgeois bloc policy of Fascism, and in is confronted are enormous. But is 18 far National Socialist worker elements like a intoxicated itself with its own, slowly maintaining Fascism through more radical from too late. Everything now depends on cold douche. They are beginning to get crumbling strength. On January 21, 1930. socialist and anti capitalist phrases. whether our Party becomes conscious of enough of Hugenberg and Hitler. In the the Rote Fahne proclaimed: its tasks.
in the struggles of the next open country too, that is, where the land period it can become the real leader of the proletariat found a determined leader in to the attack with the slogan: Dictatorship masses. To become leader of the masses the Communist Party, the advance of the of the Proletariat!
Up to now the Fascists have timidly means not increasing its vote, but to win Hakenkreuzler was brought to a standstill Ten days later, on Febraury 1, the full avoided placing themselves openly on the such confidence among the masses that the in recent months.
weakness of the Party showed itself, which side of the employer in labor struggles.
word of the Party in the masses finds the The sharpening of the class struggle in Two days later the elections took place did not prevent the Rote Fahne from pamightiest echo, that its call to strike, to in Gotha (Thuringia) with the result that thetically proclaiming: Germany will render this maneuvering of demonstration, to revolutionary mass strugthe Fascisti outstripped the Communist That is how things stand: Everything Fascism very difficult. Precisely now when gle is heeded by the proletariat.
Party and increased in spite of Frick! the Communists want to do, they do.
it has become a mass movement, which What is needed is a return from the Its vote since December 1929 from 5193 to This reckless self intoxication, combined also possesses positions in the factories, flights into the realms of adventurism. The 6436.
Fascism will have to take a concrete powith the block headed theory of socialfascism. crippled the Party. It has now sition in the labor struggles that are break Party has for years been made drunk with What Are the Driving Forces already sunk into oblivion that only a ing out. The creative capital of the phrases and deception. It is time it Rhine Wesphalian industrial lords, which a wakened and regarded the abyss before of Fascism?
short time ago the beginning of Fascist rule was announced with the words: the Fascists even recognize in theory and which it stands.
contrast with bank capital, although the The gorged priests, the cursed secWe of the Left wing, howled at by a In 1927 28 we were able to establish a retaries and functionaries of the social definite Leftward development of the mass.
interweaving of industrial and bank cap blind and incapable leadership as Party fascist Party apparatus want civil war and es. The number of strikes rose from 330 ital into modern finance capital is well enemies and renegades. we are the ones (1926) to 751 (1927) and 687 (1928. the a blood bath that will surpass all the preknown to them this national capital is who are now planfully counteracting the now aiming for decisive battles against the vious misdeeds of Noske and Zoergiebel.
internal collapse of the Party, who spring number of strikers from 54, 399 (1926) to 224, 131 (1927) to 271, 473 (1928. This is no longer the preparation, but raproletariat. Will the money bags of Fas into the breach wherever the Party breaks cism, the lords of the Rhine and the Ruhr, down, who serve the Party in the manner Simultaneously there began an influx ther the beginning of Fascist rule in Gerof workers into the trade unions, whose inany, erected with the bloody hands of the the wealthy manufacturers and industrial that the leadership should serve it.
kings, allow themselves the luxury of abanmembership rose from 977, 309 (1926) to social democratic party (Rote Fahne, Jan.
Just as in the war the small revolu4, 150, 160 (1927) and 4, 653, 581 (1928. uary 15, 1930. doning political support to their Fascist tionary groups around Luxemburg, Liebmercenaries It is hardly possible to imagine a All signs Indicate that the The rising activity in the proletariat knecht and Mehring, just as Spartakus remore insane disregard for the difference National Socialists will assume the role in was accompanied by a Leftward developmained true to the banner of the proletarbetween Fascism and reformism.
these struggles of battering ram against ment of the masses in general. The reacian revolution so does the Left Opposition Insofar as Fascism was noticed at all the free trade unions. They will endeavor tionary policy of the bourgeois bloc governin a period when the Party leadership vacto transfrom the deep dissatisfaction of the by the Party leadership, the struggle was Enormous ment had an alarming effect.
illates and breaks down. Only one thing exhausted in the slogan: masses, swept along in tow behind the Beat the Fasworkers with the bureaucracy into an agdistinguishes our time fundamentally from cists wherever you meet them! or in the sault upon the trade unions in general, bourgeois parties, awakened and turned to that of the war: The old workers party memorable proclamation: We want Should it come, however, to a conflict reformism. In the Reichstag elections of collapsed on August 4, 1914. Spartakus revolutionary state power that lets no Fasbetween the masses, who use and want to 1928 the votes of the Socialist Party were had to unfurl again the bedraggled ban Jerked upwards from 7, 881, 000 (1924) to cist bive. Rote Fahne, January 28, defend their trade unions as, fighting organs ners of the revolution, had to assemble 9, 151, 100 and the won more than 1980. and Fascism, then a revolutionary situation the masses of the betrayed proletariat on 300, 000 new voters.
How was Fascism not to grow when can arise rapidly and directly that requires a new foundation against the Party of the revolutionary Party is beaten over the all the maneuvering capacity and boldness The accentuation of the economic crisis treason, of social imperialism, of war.
head like this by its leadership!
of the revolutionary Party in order to drive in the last year brought the masses in the The banners of our Party are not beWhen Fascism proceeded more and this struggle forward to a decisive one bourgeois camp into a still stronger condraggled, our Party, burdened with heavy more to combine the propaganda for its between revolution and counter revolution.
flict to the old bourgeois parties. But one mistakes, violated by an incapable and con third empire with refined, demagogle Such a perspective has nothing in comthing changed fundamentally: The expectscienceless bureaucracy, has remained the laily slogans, to build up its nucleus sysmon with the theory of the revolutionary ations the masses put in reformism in 1928 Party of the working class, the Communist upsurge. which has been rising, as is were bitterly disappointed.
tem in the factories, the Party leadership That is how Party It is our duty to guard the Party sought to beat Fascisin by Bolshevizing known, stormily and incessantly since the direction of the departure of the masses from collapse, to burn the rotteness out of the Fascist leader cult. and when the 1928, as the Manuilskys, Molotovs anal from the old bourgeois parties had to it, to make the Party capabale of fighting, Voelkische Beobachter wrote of the great Thaelmanns contend.
change especiallt because the under of conquering leader Hitler. the Rote Fahne replied with Such a perspective has nothing to do, its present leadership did not understand That we must fuifl this duty as perthe greater leader Thaelmann. Is it to either, with the superficial analogy with how to show these masses a concrete path secuted and hounded ones in part as exbe wondered at that Fascism could become, 1923, which is now the style of the Party, in the struggle against their growing impelled, that is one of those contradictions unhindered, a mass movement?
and which, as is known, led to regarding poverishment.
in the development of our Party in which the Mueller government as the Kerensky The disappointment of the semi prolet. Differentiation within Fascism its history is not poor, period.
arian and petty bourgeois sections, stirred If one wishes to compare the present Inseparably bound up with the Party, up by the policy of the trust bourgeoisie, The possibility for a counter offensive from whose proletarian core the ruling development with 1923, then the present with the betrayal of reformism and emby the Party against Fascism is favorable situation can be characterized as a 1923 apparatus cannot tear us away, the Left bitterment with the incapacity of the right now, since a noticeable differentiation upside down. If the determining feature of wing continues to fight unswervingly to leadership to help them that is the real is now proceeding in the camp of Fascism.
fashion a Party of Lenin out of the Party 1923 was the growth by leaps and bounds driving force of Fascism.
The influx of great masses from the bourof Thae mam.
of the revolutionary forces it 1923 stood At the present time, the semi proletar geois camp has had a strong effect on the under the sign of an elementary upsurge ian, petty bourgeois masses, who formerly tactics of Fascism. Hundreds of thousands of activity in the proletariat, of the assemfollowed the bourgeois parties, especially of bourgeois voters, former adherents to bling of the petty bourgeois masses for Letter on Michael Gold the German National and the German Peo the German National and the German the day of the revolution. then 1930 is ple Party, are in large part gathering in People Party who turned to Fascism, are precisely the opposite. In 1928, Fascism Dear Max: the camp of Fascism: officials, coupon not satisfied with the outlook for the na collected behind the back of the mounting The last 188ue, containing Trotsky clippers, intellectuals, former officers, pri tional revolution. with the promises of revolution; yet the tempo of its develop letter on the New Masses and Max Eastmarily the petty bourgeois, nationalist the coming third empire. but demand im ment stood no comparison with that of the man correspondence with its editors, youth. But there is no doubt that Fascism mediate measures in their interest, above revolution.
created quite a stir. ve heard many of has already begun to hammer a breach in all customs policy, tax and similar advanIf in 1930, despite the catastrophic mis the boys condemn Gold craven buckling proletarian fortresses, especially in Saxony, tages.
takes in recent years, our Party has re to the Union Square priests; others stutter Thuringia and Northern Bavaria.
Under the pressure of these sections, mained a class Party, when it apparently shame faced apologies. As for Gold himFaascism is already exercizing a palHitler has for the ume being decided in grows that is a sign that the proletariat sell, hope none of you fellows have any pable and dangerous influence upon large favor of the bloc with the other bourgeois hopes and endeavors with all its power to Illusions about his position in the Partysections the proletariat that are politi parties and for participation in the govern fashion an effective weapon out of its Par it he is still a Party member. His mind cally strange to it. There arises among Against this new line, viewed by ty. Upon the road the Party trods in this is on higher things. He the boy who many workers feeling of impotence to Hitler as a transitional stage until the serious situation will depend fate of wants to make good where, he imagines, It wards the stormy rise of Fascism;a fatal. Fascist masy movement is sufficiently the German proletariat in the next years. means something. He has his eye on Broadistic attitude becomes noticeable.
strengthened above all among the prolet Out of a 1928 upside down, situations may way, and he working much harder on It is precisely these phenomena in the ariat to accomplish the overthrow, the arise in which the question of power is getting a play produced along the bright proletariat that are especially dangerous; Berlin Fascists (Strasser group) have posed more sharply, concretely and lively alley than he is even in slaughtering Trotprecisely this influence is required by Fas launched an assault. The Berlin Fascists than ever since 1923.
skyism.
You may have noticed the recism in order to triumph, know the mood of the Berlin workers, 50 Hitler stands before the gates of the curring motit in his work: He changed The Party leadership also approaches percent of whom by vote are in the camp proletarian fortresses. His shop nuclei his name to GOLD. He wrote 120 MILthis attitude when it attributes the growth of the see the communal elections raise their heads in the factories. His LION. He wrote Jews Without MONEY.
of Fascism to a series of objective causes. of November 27, 1929. They rightly tear agitators rove through the registry offices, It one thing, apparently, to write about These objective causes the impov that the Fascist government policy as pro his bands penetrate into the proletarian not having any: Its another not to have erishment of the mass, its despair of the old posed for Saxony by Hitler and Goebbels poverty quarters, The decisive struggle much yourself. So when he gets through bourgeois parties, its disappointment with and already applied in Thuringia, will drive between Communism and Fascism is matur being a respectable and successful Broadreformism, its search for a radical solution away the proletarian masses.
ing. The aim of the struggle is now the way playwright under the benevolent aegis all these causes should have led primar Besides these tactical differences, reformist worker. Either our Party will of the noble Kahn, he ll probably make his 1ly to an enormous growth of the Commun which are of the greatest significa in succeed, by a change of its policy up to confused, liberal colleague, Barbusse look ist movement, providing there was a cor the Fascist struggle for the workers, there now to tear down the walls between Com like a burnished Bolshevik. Speed the day!
rect strategy of our Party.
are still others.
munist and reformist masses, to draw into Yours, But that is just what is not the case, The orientation in foreign politics, for the struggles the masses that still follow ment.