ין זו PILITANT Saturday, January 11, 1930 Page The Austrian Crisis and Communism play a senseless game with worđe, is no the general characteristic of bourgeois pa ties, but constitutes a specific bourgeois party, which has specific conditions and tasks that are opposed to the other bour.
geois parties.
Continued from Last Issue By Trotsky after another, makes one concersion after the other, crawls on its belly supplicatce, One can answer to this that the hosFacsism is the second proxy of the bourgeoisie.
tility of the bourgeois parties among themthe House of Commons, Henderson deLike the social democracy, and surrenders one position after the other.
veloped the same theme. In defending the But the clash has a real character, it is selves is only relative. That is not only and on an even greater scale, fascism has Austrian democracy, Henderson deferded a question of the head of the social dero correct, but it is a truism which does not, its own army, its interests and its logic of the treaties of Versailles and Saint Germain cracy. further advance of the fascista however bring us one step forward. Tho movement. We know that in Italy, fascism Here, as in important questions generally, can must push the workers and ovea a fact that all the bourgeois parties, in order to save and strengthen bourgeois the Austrian social democracy is only the part of the social democratic apparatus fascism to the cocial democracy, put society, was compelled to be violently andefense of the bourgeois rule above their transmitting apparatus of the bourgeoisie far behind the limits marked out in adtagonistic not only to the social democracy of the victorious countries.
vance by Seitz, Otto Bauer and others. Just programmatic differences, eliminates nelbut also to the traditional parties of the ther the differences between these parties, as revolutionary situations developed more The social democracy is incapable of bourgeoisie. The same can be observed in their struggle among themselves, nor our than once out of the conflict between 11berPoland too. It should not be imagined that taking power and it does not want to take duty to utilize this struggle.
alism and the monarchy, which later weat it. The bourgeoisie finds, however, that all the political organs of the bourgeoisie The Austrian social democracy, more over the heads of both opponcats, 80 a act in perfect harmony. Fortunately, it is the disciplined organization of the workthan any party in the Second International, revolutionary situation can develop out. ere by the social domocracy, involves it in not so. Economic anarchy is supplemented is intertwined with the working class.
the clash between the social democracy and too much of an expense. The bourgeoisle by political anarchy. Fascism, fed by the For this reason alone, the development of fasciom two antagonictic proxies of the as a whole needs fascism to hold the sosocial democracy, is compelled to split the the bourgeoisie which will pass over the revolutionary crisis in the country prelatter skull in order to get to power. cial democracy in check, and when necesheads of both of them.
supposes a series of deep going internal sary, to throw it on the scrap heap. FasThe Austrian social democracy does all it crises in the social democracy. In Austria can to facilitate this surgical operation for cism wants to take power and is capable The proletarian revolutionist would be especially, where the differentiation is befascism.
of seizing it. As soon as it seizes power, worthless if he did not understand, in the lated, it is not out of the question that an It is hard to imagine more concen it will put it completely at the disposal of epoch of the bourgeois revolution, how to independent party should split off from trated nonsense than the reasoning of Otto finance capital. But that is the road of estimate the conflict betwen the liberale the official party and at one blow, as was Bauer which consists in saying that vio social convulsions; It also involves a great and the monarchy, and instead of utilizing the case in Germany, make it possible to lence is admisable only for the defense of expense. That is what explains the healthe struggle in a revolutionary manner, give the Communist Party a mass foundexisting democracy. if this reasoning is tations of the bourgeoiale, the internal throw the two opponents into cro pot. The ation. This is no absolute road, but, actranslated into the language of the classes, struggle of its various social layers, and Communist is not worth a copper who, in cording to circumstances, quite possible.
it means: Violence is permitted to guaran determines its most probable policy in the face of the collisions between Fascism and The perspective of a possible split of the tee the interests of the bourgeoisle organ next period: with the ata of fascism to the social democracy, shouts down this social democracy under the pressure of the ized as a state, but it is inadmissible for compel the social democracy to help the conflict with the naked formula of social revolutionary crisis can in no case lead to the establishment of a proletarian state, bourgeoisie reorganize the constitution in fascism, which has no content at all.
a more moderate attitude of the Communist Bauer Juridicial Formula such a way as to combine the advantages Such a position the policy of a shout Party to the future Independents or the of democracy and fascism. of fascism for ing and empty Leftism closes the road candidiates for the Independents. The Juridical formula is appended to this its essense and of democracy for its formfor the Communist party to the social de need for implacable exposure of the Left theory. Bauer chews over again the old with the avoidance of the expenses for mocratic workers in advance and gives of the Max Adler type or of a newer type formulae of Lassalle on law and revolution. democratic reforms and, it possible, the rich nourishment to the Right wingers in requires no demonstration. But it would But Lassalle spoke before a court. There expense of a fascist coup Etat.
the Communist camp. One of the reason3 be wrong if, in the course of the struggle his arguments were in place. The attempt WIN the bourgeoisie succeed in this for the strengthening of the Right wing against Fascism, one did not see the need to transform a juridical duel with the way? To the very end and for a long time, is that in its criticism It touches the open for an approach of the Communist Party state attorney into a pbilosophy of histori it cannot succeed. In other words: the and indubitable wounds of official Commu to the broad masses of the social democal evolution is nothing but the subterfuge bourgeoisie cannot create such a regime as nism. Weak as the party is in making its cratic workers who still fcel themselves to of cowardice. According to Bauer, the will permit it to base itself peacefully upon way to the social democratic workers, just be social democrats and count themselves application of violence is permissible only the workers as well as upon the ruined petso is the Right opposition strong in mak as such. It is the direct duty ct the Comas a reply to an already accomplished ty bourgeoiste, without being involved in ing its way to the social democratic appara munist Party to criticise the bourgeois coup Etat, when the foundations of aw expenditures either for social reforms or tus.
character of the social democracy to these have already disappeared, but it is inadmis the convulsions of civil war. The antagonThe ignoring or incomprehension of workers, to show them that to make the sible twenty four hours before, when it isms are too great, they must find a way the order of revolutionary crisis, political out either in one direction or another.
policy of the social democrats equivalent is a matter of preventing the coup. Along minimalism, the perspectives of eternal to that of fascism when the social demothis conception, Bauer traces the line of Austrian Democracy Condemned preparations these are the principal cratic workers mortally hate fascism and demarcation between Austro Marxism and features of the policy of the Right wing.
their ieaders foar it just as mortally, means Bolshevism as if it were a question of two In one way or another the Austrian They make themselves felt most strongly to act in contradiction to real political schools of criminal law. In reality, the dif democracy is condemned. After the last when the leadership of the Comintern seeks relations, means to infuse these masses ference lies in the fact that Bolshevism attack of apoplexy, it can of course still to create a revolutionary situation artifi with distrust to Communism, means to strives to overthrow the domination of recover and live on for a while its feet cially in an administrative manner. In strengthen the union of these workers with the bourgeoisie while social democracy dragging behind it and its tongue bare such cases the criticism of the Right wits their leaders.
strives to eternalize it. There can be no ly mumbling. It is possible that a sec has something convincing in it. But it doubt that it a coup Etat were carried The Danger in the Stalinist Theory ond attack will be necessary to put an end has nothing in common with revolutionary through, Bauer would declare: If we did to it. But its fate is decided in advance.
It is not difficult to foresce that the strategy. The Right wing supported the throwing of the social democracy and fasnot call upon the workers, when we had Austro Marxism is entering a period opportunist policy in the most revolutionpowerful organizations, a legal press, for of expiation for its political sins. The so ary moments (Germany, China, England. cism into one pot brings forward the danty three percent of the deputies, the Vien cial democracy that saved the bourgeoisie ger of idealizing the Left social derdocThey improve their reputation with the na municipality, to rise against the tasfrom Bolshevism is now facilitating the racy, when the latter comes to a serious criticism of bureaucratic adventurism, 90 cists who formed anti constitutional bands saving of the bourgeoisle from the social as later to play over again the role of a clash with fascism. That has already been attacking law and order, then at the pres democracy itself. It would be absurd to brake at the decisive moment.
demonstrated by experiences in history.
ent time, when the fascists have the state close one eyes to the fact that the victory It must be remembered that the equlizaapparatus and base themselves upon a new of fascism would involve not only the phy.
What Is Social Fascism?
tion of social democracy and fascism, prolaw created by them, when we are deprived alcal extermination of the handful of Comclaimed for the first time by the luckless The policy of the Centrists not only With Congress, found its necessary antiof everything, made outlaws, when we hav munists, but also the pitiless crusbing of no legal connections with the masses who all the organizations and all the points of nourishes the Right wing but brings grist thesis in the capitulation before Purcell, to the mill of the Austro Marxists, Nothare, moreover, manifestly disillusioned, opsupport of the social democra:y. In this before Pilsudski, before Chiang Kai Shek, ing can save the Austrian social democracy pressed and are passing over to fasciam regard, as in many others, the social demobefore Raditch and before LaFolletto. That mn increasing numbers the proposal for an in the next period nothing but the wrong cracy only reproduces the history of lberis entirely legitin ato Whoever makes tho armed insurrection at the present time eralism, whose belated child it is. More policy of official Communism.
extreme Left of bourgeois society equal to under such circumstances could be made than once did the liberals help feudal rencWhat does social fascism really its extreme Right, that is, Austro Marxism only by adventurista or Bolsheviks. By tion triumph over the popular masses only mean? No matter how shrewd the honest and Fascism, is inevitably preparing the turning their philosophy around 180 de to be liquidated in turn by the reaction. theoreticians make themselves look, capitulation of the Communist Party begrees in this manner, the Austro Marxists they can reply to this question with noth fore the Left social democracy in the critremain entirely true to themselves.
ing but the statement that the social demo ical momento has, so to speak, set itselt cracy is ready to defend the foundations of This quc The slogan of dementie disarmament is ver a special task: to refute, in the crassest connected the bourgeois regime and its own positions Its reactionary baseness with the slogans in perspective for the surpasses by form, the prognoses and directives of the Austrian working class: Sovicts of depu.
everything that we have heard up to now in the bourgeoig regime with the aid of Comintern since 1923. That is how it was about the social democracy, Thone gentlearmed power against the workers. But ties and dictatorship of the proletariat.
with the evaluation of the revolutionary Generally speaking, these two slogans are men beg the workers to disarm in face of isn this the general characteristic of situation in Germany in 1923; with the the armed bourgeois state. The fascist evaluation of the world role of America and all democratie parties without exception? closely connected with each other. The bands are after all only auxiliary detachDid not Kerensky and Tseretelli smash the formation of Soviets is conceivable only the Anglo American antagonism; with the ments of the bourgeoisie; dissolved today; peasants and the workers in the honeycourse set for a revolutionary wave in under the conditions of a revolutionary they can be called to Hfe again at any moon days of the democratic revolution? situation an aroused movement of the 1924 25; with the estimation of the driving Did not the French Radicals employ armed masses, under the condition of a great and moment and armed twice as strongly as at forces and the perspectives of the Chinese present. As for the workers, no one will revolution (1925 27. with the estimation might against strikors before and after growing role of the Communist Party, that give them arme it the social democracy of British trade unionism (1925 27. with the war? Is not the history of the rule of is, under the conditions that precede or disarms them with the hands of the bourthe republican and democratc parties in Industrialization and the accompany the conquest of power by the Kulak in the geois state. The social democracy natural and so on without end. The the United States at the same time the proletariat.
ly fears the arms of the fascists. But far history of sanguinary clashes with strik But in Austria, more than in any other same thing is happening now with the more does it fear the arms in the hands estimation of the third period and socialers? It all this is fascism, then the hist country, there is an open possibility that of the workers. Today, the bourgeoisie is fascism. Molotov discovered that France ory of class society is the history of fas the slogan of Soviets will not coincide still afraid of a civil war: first, because it cism; then there are as many fascisms in the with the slogan of the dictatorship of the is in the first ranks of the revolutionary is not yet certain how it will turn out, and world as there are bourgeois parties: lib proltariat, yes, will even stand directly wave. While in reality, the revolutionary second, because it wants no economic consituation is at hand in Austria, whereeral fascists, radical fascists, national fas opposed to it, that is, by the transformation vulsions. The disarmament of the workers cists, etc. etc. Then what meaning is there of the Soviets into a weapon against the and this is the most significant part of it insures the bourgeoisle against civil war in the appelation. None at all. It is only dictatorship of the proletariat. It is all. the point of departure of possible revoand consequently raises the chances of a lutionary development is not constituted a noisy symptom for class violence.
the more important to understand and forefascist coup Etat to the maximum.
see this because of the fact that the epiby the struggle of Communism with soIn August 1914, we named democratic The demands for the domestic disarsocialism social imperialism.
cial fascism, but of the clash of the soWith this gone (Zinoviev, Stalin and others) have mament of Austria is a demand of the En cial democracy with fascism. In the face we said that the social democracy is a made a vulgar fetich of the slogan of Soviets, in which they substituted the ortente countries, of France in the first of this compact, the unfortunate Austrian special kind of imperialism adapted to the place, and England in the second. The Communist Party has landed completely in working class. imperialism unites the sosemi official French Journal, Le Temps, ex cannot dwell at length on this quesa blind alley.
cial democracy with all the parties of the plains severely to Schober that domestic Yes, the collision between the social bourgeoisle without exception. Socialism tion, especially since it is discussed in disarmament is necessary in the interest emocracy and distinguishes it from these parties.
sufficient detail in my Criticism of the now the most Soof external peace as well as in the Intor important fact in Austrian politics. The soolal imperialism defines it as a whole. Draft Program of the Comintern.
ests of private property. In his speech in cial democracy takes one sten harkuara But socialism. unless and wishes to Continued on Next Paca