The Defense of the Soviet Union and the Opposition Let us examine the program article of Mistakes in Principle in Estimating unites them. In what manner. Continued from Last Issue By Trotsky half of the quotation it follows: the interAt one time, the Red Army entered ests of workers Russia and bourgeois ChiMunshevik Georgia in order to help the the class viewpoint, that is, to supplement adopt in a difficult situation and on what na are incompatible. Which of these two Georgian workers overthrow the power of Louzon by Marx, yields truly unhappy re side to fight.
mutually exclusive declarations does Urthe bourgeoisie, something for which the sults.
bahns choose? He does not choose, he Second International cannot forgive us to By the little word therewith (in German: dabei. this day. Georgia 18 populated by Geor the Fahne des Kommunismus. the theoreti the Chinese and Russian glang, the Red Army was composed main cal organ of the Leninbund. Five letters and the problem is solved.
ly of Russian soldiers. On which side does The railway represents, even now, a Revolutions The irreconciliability of the interests Louzon stand in this old conflict?
Chinese concession to a foreign power, of the Soviet republic and bourgeois China, And the march on Warsaw in the sumUp to this point, Urbahns really only concession which, viewed from the Chinese says Urbahns, could have been foreseen by mer of 1920? Louzon perhaps knows that side. is different only in degree. repeats Louzon. But then he deepens anyone. Good. Consequently, it is not a was an opponent of this campagn. But him. If the editorial article of the from the other concessions that are held by matter of the railway and not of the treaty my objections had a purely practical charis cleared of its reservations, equivocations imperialist powers. On the Russo Chiof 1924? The irreconciliability in the relaacter. feared that the toiling masses of nese Conflict. No. 31. and loopholes in general, it can be resolved tions between present day China and the Poland would not rise in time (the tempo iato the following formula: since the nat Soviet republic only reflects the irreconciHere we still have before us the purest ional revolution has triumphed in China, of war is as a rule swifter than the temliability of the internal contradictions in Louzon. Urbahns teaches the German reyDo of revolution) and was of the opinion and the counter revoiution has triumphed China itselt. Were Urbahns to say that olutionists to estimate the facts from the that it would be dangerous for us to move (or almost triumphed, or must triumph) in Chinese side. But it is from the proletthe Chinese bourgeoisie, supported by bay.
Russia, then. what? clear answer is too far away from our base. Events cononets, hates the Soviet republic beenuse of arian side that they must be estimated.
firmed the correctness of this foresdght: not given by the article. Its eclectic phil the fact alone that its existence forms the The question is not exhausted by national osophy serves much more to dodge a clear the march on Warsaw was a mistake. But source of revolutionary unrest in China, frontiers.
it was a tactical, and in no sense a prinanswer.
that would be correct. To that would still In the first place it is she rest absurdciple mistake. Under more favorable cirity that a proletarian state should, gener lowing preliminary assertions before a furI think it is necessary to make the fol. have to be added that the Chinese bourgecumstances it would have been our duty oisie designates its fear of its own opally speaking, not have any enterprises ther presentation: to help the Polish (as well as every other. concessions. in other countries. The pressed masses as fear of Soviet imperial1. Comrado Urbahns falsely comprerevolution with an armed hand. It was, ism, question of the formation of industrial enhends the character of the Russian revoluhowever, precisely then that Lloyd George, Urbahns says that the bourgeois revoterprises by a workers state in backward tion and its present stage. He falsely con lution triumphed in China. That is the Bonar Law and others accused us for the countries is a question not only of econostrues the meaning of Thermidor.
first time of Red Imperialism. This acstandpoint of the international social demmic, but also revolutionary strategy. Comrade Urbahng misunderstands cusation was then taken over by the soI Soviet Russia has rarely followed this ocracy. In China, it was not the bourgeois the class mechanics of the Chinese revolucial democracy, and from there it was Imrevolution but the bourgeois counter revo.
path, it has not been for reasons of printion and its present situation.
perceptibly transmitted to the ultra Left ciple but as a Intion that triumphed. That is by no means result of technical weak3. From his false social evaluations, he the same thing. Urbahns speaks of the supists.
nesses. Advanced, that is, highly industrial draws corespondingly false and extremely Against revolutionary intervention. socialist countries like England, Germany pression of the workers and peasants as of dangerous political conclusions.
Louzon quite inopportunely raises the old some internal detail of the bourgeois revand France would be interested in every The fact that he (like Louzon and and incontested principle: The liberaolution. He even goes so far as to assert instance to build rallroads, to erect techthe other ultra Leftists) does not carry his tion of the working class can only be the nical works, grain elevators, etc. in the that the Chinese workers represented their conclusions to the end, only shows a lack task of the workers themselves, on a natinterests in the national revolution, that is, backward countries, the former colonies. of consistency, but in no way diminishes ional scale? Only in the frame work of in the Kuo Min Tang, where the Comintern Naturally, they would do this neither by the danger of his falso position.
drove them with sticks. That is the Stalin1 single country? Should workers of one means of violence nor of generous gifts. am compelled here to quote a larger ist, e. the social democratic standpoint.
country help the strikers of another? Send They would have to recelve certain excerpt from the Fahne des Kommunismus. The bourgeois revolution was accomplished arms to the rebels? Send their army, in colonial products in exchange. The charThe editorial article endeavors to explain in 1911, in so far as It could at all be reacase there is one, to help the rebels? Or acter of these socialist enterprises, their the conditions that created the pational lized in China as an independent stage. But tor the purpose of preparing an uprising, direction, their conditions of labor would liberation movement in China.
ust as strikers send their brigades to pull have to be such as would raise the econoit was acomplished only for the purpose of. a national liberation movement showing that a bourgeois revolution, cven the workers out of factories that have re my and culture of the backward countries that bore a revolutionary character, had a If only somewhat completed, is impossible mained behind?
with the aid of capital, technique and exdistinct point against the imperialists, and in China, that is to say, that the national perlence of the richer proletarian states, to in which the Chinese proletariat repreWhy Doesn Louzon Decide the mutual advantage of both countries.
unification of China, its liberation from sented its class interests. This revo imperialism and its democratic reformation That is no imperialism, no exploitation, no Go the Whole Way?
lution came to a standstill in the bourgeois subjugation, but rather the contrary, it is (tho agrarian problem. is inconceivable revolution, brought the military power of the socialist transformation of world econ.
under the leadership of the bourgeoisie.
Louzon stands upon the nationalChiang Kai Shek to the top, bloodily sup The second Chinese revolution (1925 27)
omy. There is no other road at all.
de. nocratic viewpoint, but he does not repressed the Chinese proletarian revolution, showed during its whole course what had It in England, for example, the dictatmain entirely true even to that. If it is true the revolutionary peasant uprisings which been clear previously to the Marxists: The orship of the proletariat were to be set up, that the Chinese government is fighting for infringed on private property, and brought real solution of the tasks of the bourgeois it could on no condition present the Indian its national liberation against Sovlet Imthe Chinese bourgeoiste closer to the al bourgeoisie with the present English conrevolution in China is only possible through perialism, then the duty of every revoluof the bourgeois revolution. One of these cessions. That would be the most stupid the dictatorship of the proletariat, basing tionary does not consist in administering aims is national unification. The conces.
policy, for it would enormously strengthen itselt upon the alliance of the workers with philosophical enlightment to Stalin, but to sions of the imperialists are a painful thorn the peasants, and which is directed against ctively.
Leip Chiang Kai Shek the power of the Indian capitalists and rom in the side of the China that is being unifeudalists allied with them over the Indian the alliance of the native bourgeoisie with Louzon attitude, if it is to be taken gerified. Their elimination is sought from the imperialism. Such a revolution, however, proletariat and peasantry and hold up the ously, arises the direct duty to help fight imperialist powers through negotiations, cannot remain standing at the bourgeois development of the socialist revolution in for China right to national selffrom Soviet Russia, which is considered an stage. It is transformed into a permanent India for a long time. No, the workers of letermination against the heritage essentially weaker opponent, by means of state will be compelled, while it proclaims military attacks. Therewith. it is also revolution, that is, it becomes a link of the Ozarism, if possible with arms in international socialist revolution and shares the complete freedom of the colonies, to l1bhand. That is as clear as day. Loudecisive for the Chinese military govern its fate. For this reason, the bourgeois erate the concessions from all national privment that the Russian concession is a more zon refers and rightly, to the fact that counter revolution, which obtained its vicIleges, from the command of the one sido the Soviet government Kemal helped dangerous factor from the class standpoint tory with the help of Stalin Buchariu, merand the degredation of the other. Without against the imperialists. Quite right: than the concessions of the capitalist hosletting go of the concessions, the workers cilessly suppressed the movement of the tile brothers.
This conflict should have against imperialism even the hangman state would at the same time be compelled popular masses and erected, not a demoChiang Kal Shek must be aided. But here been foreseen by all, for there could not be a cratic, but a military fascist domination.
to transform them into a means not only the brave Louzon remains standing irresopeaceful co existence of the Chinese and for the economic rise of India but also for Russian interests in China of the bourgeois The Question of the Permanent lutely. He feels in some way or another the future socialist construction. It is selfthat the conclusion following from his pounderstood that such a policy, which would sition would sound something like this: have been guaranteed only by a victorious Revolution in China be necessary also in the interests of the Workers of the world, help the Chinese Chinese revolution. Even if it had only consolidation of socialist England, could be In the first half of the excerpt quoted ended with a workers and peasants Chigovernment defend its independence in carried out only hand in hand with the vanna.
from comrade Urbahns paper, it says that struggle against the assaults of the Soviet guard of the Tudian proletarlat and would can hardly recall ever having encoun the bourgeois revolution triumphed in Chistate. Why does Louzon remain standing also have to bring visible advantages to the tered such confusion of thought in a few na. In the second halt, it declares that the half way along the road? Because this only Indian peasant.
dozen lines. At any rate, not often. To un collaboration of China with Soviet Russia onsistent conclusion would have converted Let us endeavor, together with Urbahns, sur ultra Left formalists into agents of imravel each line a page would be needed. would be conceivable only in case of a to consider the question from the Indian will endeavor to do it in the shortest form. victorious Chinese revolution. What does prialism and into political accomplices of sido. The result will be that the socialist this mean? According to Urbahns, it was leaving the secondary contradictions out of ose Russian White Guardists who are concessions would be far worse for the day fighting for the liberation of Ching the bourgeois revolution that trlumphed in consideration.
Indian bourgeoisie than the capitalist, 11 In the first half of the quotation, it China. That is just why it strives to pluck with arms in band. This inconsistency is a only because they would have to cease mer speaks of the imperialist concessions, among the imperialist thorn from its side. Then redit to the political feelings of the ultracilessly the profits of the bourgeoisie in eftists, but not their logic.
them also the Chinese Eastern Railway, beof what other revolution is Urbahns speakthe interest of the Indian workers and pea ing a thorn in the side of the national in ing? of the proletarian? No. Even if it sants. Conversely, the socialist concesAre Socialist «Concessions had only ended with a workers and peasdependence of China. The Soviet republic sions will be a powerful point of support is here brought into one denomination with ants of China. What does the If mean? It Admissable?
for the workers and peasants, a socialist the other capitalist states. In the second means precisely that it is not a question of fortress, so to speak, where the forces for half of the quotation, it is said: therewith the proletarian revolution. And at the same At this point, comrade Urbahns and the preparation of the revolution could be it is decisive. that the Russian concestime not of the bourgeois? Then which his closest colleagues in the national com gathered. Naturally, the Indian proletarslon, from the class standpoint, appears still one? After Bucharin and Radek, Urbahns mittee of the Leninbund enter into the dig iat, as soon as it camo into power, would. more dangerous, Then there finally therefore foresees neither a bourgeois nor a pute. In this, as in most of the other ques receive these concessions. The relations of follows from these two mutually exclusive proletarian, but some kind of a special wortions, they strive to adopt an intermediate the Indian proletariat to the English workdeclarations the synthesis: the Chinese and kers and peasants dictatorship in China.
position. They print an article by the ers state will be regulated not by the re the Russian Interests are in general IrreOne must speak out more openly, couraKorsch disciple, an article by Louzon collections of bourgeois property but by concilable. In what sense and why? From geously, definitely, without hiding behind an article by Paz, an article replete with higher principles of the international divithe first half of the quotation It follows: the little word even. It is precisely out errors by the Belgian comrades, a Marxist sion of labor and sociallst solidarity.
Russian Imperialism is incompatible with of this philosophy of the non bourgeois article by Landau and one by me. Then the There are, consequently, no simply in Chinese national unity. From the second and non proletarian dictatorship that the editors finally come forward with an eclec dian or simply Chinese sides. There is Stalin Bucharin course of the Kuo Min Tang tic philosophy which borrows two thirds only the side of Chiang Kal Shek. There speak here, and further on also, of grew. It is precisely over this point that from Louzon and Korsch and one third is the side of the advanced Chinese workers. comrade Urbahns only for brevity sake. Radek and Smilga stumbled. Stalin, Bufrom the Russian Opposition. Figuratively There are innumerable intermediate mean the majority of the national com charin, Zinoviev, and after them Radek and it says: We are not in one hundred per stages of the petty bourgeoisie, When Ur. mittee of the Leninbund and the editors of Smilga also, believe that between world imnt agreement with Trotsky. Basing him bahns tries to consider the matter from the its organs. Indeed, one can frequently find perialism on the one side and the workers sult essentially upon Louzon, Urbahns how Chinese side. he is really looking through the expression in Volkswllle: The national state on the other, a petty bourgeois revoever, does not limit himselt to geography the glasses of the Chinese petty bourge committee of the Loninbund and comrado lutionary dictatorship is possible in China.
And Athnocranhv. Rut his attempt to add nia who are not know what position to Trhohns.
In spite of the experience with the thesian