Saturday, December 21, 1929 THE MILITANT Page Throughout the World of Labor The State of Mind of derstood that we speak here of political in the Deutschnationale Volkspartel. When cowardice. The personal factor is not im the Kolnische Zeitung counsels the party The Movement in South portant. It is true that not infrequently that it would perhaps be still more clever the Capitulators the two fall happily together. We once were it to reject his (Hugenberg s) secret America characterized the strongest quality of Rad financial means and be on the lookout am sending you a specimen of Radekek as extraordinary impulsiveness. That a real leader. it only illuminates one side Broadly speaking, the social movement ist panic, which is also a psychological explanation of his desertion. It seems to me was a very mild, very careful and well of the question.
of the South American republics has been wishing characterization, which, so to stationary, beating time, for the last five that Radek 18 repeating his sorry experi speak, still kept a certain credit open for Taken in essence, Hugenberg expressyears. There are various reasons for it, ment of 1923. At the decisive moment he ed in clear words, in his long speech at the Radek. There was no need for us to hurry, such as the growing impoverishment of the is overcome by cowardice and hands the convention, the readiness of the Deutschfor even though we knew Radek we were working class with the consequent enrichleadership over to the Centrists.
still undecided to predict at what stage nationale to participate in any government ment of the captalist class; the gradual es.
Here is a conversation between exiled in which the social democrats are not the impulsiveness of Radek would be transtablishment of dictatorial, fascist governcomrades and Radek on his trip to Moscow represented, and thereby, in spite of the reformed into political perfidy. Now it ments in a majority of the South Ameriin June 1929 on the platform of a railroad servations on the Young Plan conditioned can be said that the process has come to can states (excepting Argentine and Urustation (Smilga was sick and remained in by the impending date of the plebiscite, a complete end.
guay, all the rest of the republics now the train. cleared the road for the change to come The situation that Radek depicts is a pic after the adoption of the Plan. Hugerberg have either a frankly fascist government Radek: The situation is a very difficult ture of complete hopelessness. But that is like Chite or a personal dictatorship like pointed out, among other things, that a one now, the country is passing through a fortunately false picture.
Peru, Bolivia, Venezuela, etc. the failure collaboration of the bourgeois parties 1917. The situation in the Central Commit That is the picture of a frightened citi might be realized much more easily if the of the Comunist Parties mainly due to tee is catastrophic. The Rights and Cenzen. But if the situation were really as the so called Bolshevization forced upon Young Plan were not adopted, that after trists are preparing arrests for each other.
Radek paints It as a justification for his them by the Stalin clique to attract the its adoption, on the contrary, almost inThe Right Centrist bloc has collapsed and capitulation, tben the capitulation would masses; and the absence of any great up surmountable difficulties opposed such an embittered struggle is being conducted heavals in Europe. This last is not the be doubly senseless. The Rights are over collaboration. Every German government against the Rights. They are strong. Their least.
whelmiog. No bread. All classes are dissat will be confronted with the alternative of 16 votes can be doubled and trebled. There isfied. Radek 18 anxious to save the revo fulfilling the obligations It has assumed As secondary causes may be mentioned 18 no bread in Moscow. The dissatisfaction lution. But unfortunately, the saviour is either at the expense of the living standthe Americanization of the big cities of the masses grows, which can degenerate transported to the scene of his heroic deeds ards of the German workers other more electric light, more advertising signs, or into an uprising against the Soviet power.
under the accompaniment of the and professions or by the ruin of German Indusmore moving pictures with their constant We are on the eve of peasant uprisings. at the moment when he is overcome with try. Only the conscious will to freedom. suggestion of luxury, lust, crime and worThis situation compels us to go back the greatest rage at Trotsky bloc with can open a way out for Germany. The doship of wealth, more football, prize fights, to the party at any cost. Our deliberation Chamberlain, he Is yanked back into the mestic policy of the ruling Marxists. races, etc. a hundred men listening at will proceed from the estimation of the train by the agents of the From is no less ruinous than its foreign policy.
labor meeting, forty thousand at a footgeneral position of the party and the estabthe pen of Gleb Uspensky, there is a story Only when a conscious and clear attitude ball match) and the growth of a labor aris.
lishment of the split of the Opposition with of an old woman a petty bourgeoise who of struggle against Marxism is taken sitocracy: the slow but sure work of the the plea to be taken back into the asks the police to bring her son to her so multaneously in the Reich and in Prussia, Roman Catholic Church among the rich and that she may still embrace him before bis will Germany again reach positive, conthe middle class. The influence of the Question: How is your attitude to death. Radek, who is led to the arms of structive work.
Catholic Church as a religious institution wards comrade Trotsky?
Yaroslavaky under guard of the among the masses of the people is nil, Radek. have broken completely with In these sentences from Hugenberg repeats the story of Uspensky in political but as a social organization it has a certain Trotsky.
From now on we are political form.
speech, the complete demagogy of his amount of success more so now that its enemies. He revises Lenin. Why did he struggle against the Young Plan 18 plain union with fascism enables it to spend more What is typical in the conversation of bring up the permanent revolution again?
ly expressed. After the adoption of the Radek is undoubtedly his declaration that money on entertainments, clothes, automoAnd if we make no concessions to the peasslave pact, the opportunity for the collabo bile rides, etc. for some of the poor. Ite our platform has stood the test splendidly.
ants tomorrow will he frighten us again ration of the bourgeois parties is, it is work is confined to a few big cities: It Therefore? Therefore, we must break with only with the peasant and cry about Thermidor?
true, almost impossible, but still never touches the country, the farming it. But Marxism has also stood the test We have nothing in common with the con almost. for the Marxists participating tributor of the (the name of a paper folthroughout all modern history. Shall we population perhaps because there is no In the government (and that can be money in it.
lows. not therefore also break with Marxism?
only the social democracy) need only Question: Will you request the repeal Smilga, on the eve of his capitulation, be removed and the road to colaboraThe position of the trade unions shows a decline tion of the Deutschnationale 15 opened the anarcho syndicalist eleof Article 58. even wrote a peculiar document, On the Radek: Under no circumstances. For Defense of the Platform of the Bolshevikinent with a slight increase in the reformafter the adoption of the Young Plan, Leninists. Smilga defended the platform 1st unions. Some months ago, the official those who will go with us it will be repealed éven if it does enslave three generation.
against Trotsky. But after an especially Stalinist party formed a new trade union by itself. But he will not repeal this arThe speeches of the other Deutschna federation and made a mess of it. There ticle for those who carry on a destructive urgent request from Yaroslavsky, Smile ga not only broke with Trotsky but al90 tionale convention representatives do not was a terrific beating of drums, the counwork in the party and organize the uprising with the platform.
even deserve mention, so colorless were try was flooded with wall propaganda of the masses. We brought ourselves to Shall we quote here our friend Sog they in their tone obviously delivered on (such as 600, 000 revolutionary workers exile and prison. The youth who have now novsky, who, calling to mind a religious Hugenberg orders. At best, the remarks Join the Red International of Labor come to the Opposition have nothing in of the Deutschnationale labor representaUnions. a trade union congrebs was held common with Party and Bolshevism. It 18 rite, recommends in such cases to whisper into the ear of the next to die, and say to tive, the Reichstag deputy Hartwig, de in Montevideo, where they were glad to simply an anti Soviet youth. The struggle him with the necessary emphasis: Don serve quotation, because they allow a com welcome one Rafael Greco who previously must be conducted against these with all forget: you are already dead.
parison of the equality of rights for the was deported from Russia as an agent means. third of the Party members will workers in the bourgeois state with the of the capitalists. One hundred thousand now go with us and those who remain have efforts of the reformists that run in the Argentino pesos were spent and the renothing in common with Bolshevism.
same direction. Hartwig said, among other sult was a fake federation with a real Question: How can such things: membership in all of South America of transformation from even your Tomsk 848 members, resentment and antagonism theses be explained.
at Kassel Not domination over other classes, but equality of rights for the of the union members of other colors, and working Radek: party conference took place which led the Party back on the Leninist unpopularity for the Communists in genThe Kassel convention of the Deutsch class in the state, economic and cultural eral as the dividers of the trade unions, path and on the other side a League nationalen Volkspartel (German National systems is what you have to demand on As for the unofficial Communist Party of the Bolshevik Leninists was organized. People Party) came off extremely mothe basisi of the Christian code of morali(Penelon group) it 18 betwen the devil ty.
That a second party the party of the notonously. Although for weeks previously and the deep sea. It fights the official parcounter revolution, during and after the campaign on the This equality of rights is reflected ty tooth and nall but is mortally afraid Our platform stood the test splendid popular referendum deep going differen in the eyes of Hartwig, in distinction from of offending the As for the ly. From a fighting document it became ces of opinion on the expediency of this that aspired to by the reformists, only by International situation, the Russian Comthe platform of the party. What can you referendum and on the policy of Hugenberg its Christian basis.
munist Opposition, Stalin, Bucharin, etc. say against the theses of Kalinin? Against In general had appeared in the DeutschnaThe unanimity and frmness of the etc. Mum! There ain no such animal.
the five year plan? In connection with this tionale ranks, these differences were lookDeutschnationale convention existed, in The revolutionary instinct the massthe question of withdrawing our signatures ed upon as non existent at the convention.
reality, only in appearances. Hugenberg es here can get over the deportation of from the platform is of secondary import The socalled opposition was entirely himself, if his remarks are considered basi Trotsky. We ve seen something like it in ance.
unsuccessful in shaking the position o?
cally, left all doors open; he can continue South America, The fascist Ibanez de The agents of the did not let Hugenberg as leader of the Deutschnationto drive towards Hitler in a strengthened ported some Communists to Peru, Peru de ue talk further. They drove Karl (Radek) ale party. This opposition prociaimel its degree, or else he can, as the remarks cited ported to Ecuador, Ecuador sent them back back into the train on the grounds that ability and its will to fight the Deutschnaabove indicate, take his place in the ranks to Chite and the Ibanez sent them to the he is agitating against the expulsion of tionalen newspaper king ruch more by of the big bourgeois front. The further Isle of Mas Afuera the island of RobinTrotsky from the country. Radek cried out the fact that its most prominent represendevelopment of the discussions in the son Crusoe and we have heard no more of the train: tatives, Treviranus, Ilndeiner Wildau, LainDeutschnationalen Volkspartel may be exabout them. agitate against the expulsion of bach, etc. either loft Kassel before the pected. Until the plebiscite the hands of GUINNEY.
Trotsky! Yes, indeed! agitate for the opening of the convention or else did not the Deutschnationale are tied. The big inBuenos Aires, comrades to go back into the Party.
even appear.
ternal differences behind the scenes, which November, 1929.
Karl turned to the agents of the The convention of the party expressed may be seen from the open insurgence with the words: Let them alone. Let itself, as the Hugenberg press triumphantthem reflect! Don against Hugenberg of a decisive part of sharpen relations!
ly announces, with unbroken unanimity the Deutsch nationale press, behind which The agents of the listened in sil for the hitherto prevailing policy of the stand the Land League and parts of Deutsence and dragged Karl further back into party leaders, which includes therefore the policy of alliance with Hitler. The fact that chnationalen finance capital (Deutsche Tathe train. The train started up.
geszeitung and Boersenzeitung. will soon the biggest bourgeois parties, despite all er or later lead to the collapse of the (The comrades who sent us this let the losses incurred precisely at the last Deutschnationale. What forms the unity of ter make the following comment. elections through the alliance with the Na this opposition with the Volkspartei and This letter is from a comrade well tional Socialists (Hitler Fascist Party. other grouping of the decisive section of The latest number Just received known to us, one of the outstanding young play with the armed struggle against the German finance capital will assume for the contains articles by Bolsheviks. The letter gives a remarkably working class by open fascism, characterpurpose of insuring the execution of the Trotsky, Christain Rakovclear picture of the psychological motives izes the growth of tendencies in the camp Young Plan, cannot yet be predicted in sky, Kosslor, Okfor capitulation. The correspondent says of the German bourgeoisle which considdetail.
ndjava. Muraloy, that the reason for it is cowardice. This er it more expedient to execute the new offormulation may seem to be too simple. At F, Dingelstaedt, fensive of capital against the German proBut, on the basis of the convention bottom, however, it is right. It is self unand others.
letariat with open fascist terror. The party speech of the victor Hugenberg, there is delegates, who responded without discusone question on which there can no longer INVALUABLE FOR KNOWLEDGE OF THE RUSSIAN SITUATION The article in the Soviet criminal sion to Hugenberg report with the unabe any doubt, even for the unenlightened: 250 each code dealing with counter revolutionary ac18c in bundles nimous approval of bis line of action, as His struggle against the Young Plan, just like Order From of tivities, which stalin and Bucharin disloypartner, Hit!
well as the plenum of the convention, placTHE MILITANT ally appfled to orush the Bolshevik Oppo ed themselves on his political line. This openly exposed as a fraud.
23 Third Avenue, New York, NY.
sition through imprisonment, elle aad fact is to be explained, naturally, not merely VOLKSWILLE banishment.
by Hugenberg position of Anancial power Berlin, November 27, 1929.
a rapia Hugenberg Victory The BULLETIN of the Russian Opposition