Page THE MILITANT November 1, 1929.
Who Is Leading the Comintern Comintern To day?
This CONTINUED FROM LAST ISSUE turn, by publishing his letter of January 24, 1911. The By Trotsky bloc of Lenin with Plechanov for the struggle against THE RALLIES the liquidators and the conciliators, Stalin calls in this As can be seen, the general spirit of the changes letter a foreign tempest in a glass of water neither that have taken place in the leadership of the in to the other abstractly analytical. His best pages remore nor less and then continues. ternational appears in full light in the procession of late to the domain of formally logical analysis. Where In general, the workers are beginning to look upon its responsible figures. The International is led by ever Bucharin thought moves along the furrows althe foreign groups with disdain; let them get into a the Martinovs, by the conformers of every descrip ready drawn by the dialectic blade of Marx and Lenin, rage to their heart content; we, however, think that tion. The French have the political expression ral it can give valuable partial results, even if it is almost lie which means one who has become reconciled. accompanied by an after taste of scholasticism. But he who really has the interests of the movement at The need for such a term was born out of the frequen where Bucharin penetrates independently into a new heart, work the rest then passes on. My opinion is that the result will be best.
ay of political revolution. If the republican had to sphere, where he is obliged to combine elements boraccustom themselves the Empire, the royalists and rowed from different fields, economy and politics, soThus, in 1911, Stalin disdainfully left it to Lenin the Bonapartists, in their turn, had to get used to ciology and ideology, in general, basis and superstructto get into a rage in his struggle against liquidathe Republic. They did not do this right away, but ure. he manifests a completely irresponsible and un tionism. As for the group that Lenin formed ideologionly after convincing themselves of the stability of the tenable arbitrariness, pulling generalizations out of the cally, Stalin called it contemptuously a foreign temprepublican regime. They are not the republicans who clouds and juggling with ideas as if they were balls.
est in a glass of water. What disgusting hypocricy fought for the Republic, but those who charitably ac If one took the pains to assemble and classify chro is Stalin retrospective intransigeance today towards cepted positions and stipends from it They are the nologically all the theories that Bucharin has served the old ideological struggle!
ones who are called ralliés. But one must not think up to the International since 1919, and especially since But it is not only a matter of 1911. In the Spring of that this type is peculiar only to the bourgeois revolu 1923, he would have a picture recalling the Night of 1917, the semi Defender of the Stalin, was tion. The basis of ralliement is not the revolution, but Walpurgis where the lean shades of Marxism shiver in in agreement in principle that the Party should unite its victory and the State created by this victory.
the winds of scholasticism.
with the Defender of the Fatherland, Tseretelli. In It goes without saying that true fighters, especially The Sixth Congress of the International brought the minutes, concealed up to now, of the Party Conferin other countries, belonging not only to the younger the contradictions of the leading apparatus to their ence in May 1917, we read: generation but in a certain measure also to the older apex, and therefore absurdity. Outwardly, the lead Order of business: Tseretelli proposal for unity.
generation, have rallied and are rallying to the October ership seemed to belong to Bucharin: he made the re Stalin: We must accept. We must define our prorevolution. But the present regime in the Internation port, indicated the strategical line, proposed and put posal to realize to unity. unification is possible on al does not permit them to rise to the level of independ through the Program no trifle, that opened and the basis of Zimmerwald Kienthal.
ent directors not to speak of revolutionary leaders. It closed the Congress by drawing its balance. His domiTemoves, sweeps away, deforms and tramples under nation seemed complete. And in the meanwhile every To the fears expressed by certain delegates of the Conference, Stalin replied: foot all that is independent, ideologically firm and in one knows that the real influence of Bucharin upon the flexible. It needs conformers. And it finds them with the Congress was next to nothing. The interminable Differences should neither be anticipated nor out much difficulty, groups them together and arms babblings of Bucharin were like bubbles thrown up by warned against. Without differences there is no Party them.
a drowning man. In the meantime, without regard to life. Once inside the Party we will liquidate the little Among the ralliés. two nuances can be distin the spirit of the reports, nay even counter to this differences.
guished, running from the politically dull but honest spirit, a regrouping went on among the delegates and The differences with Tseretelli appeared to Stalin as elements, devoid of perspicacity and initiative, up to their factional organization was consolidated. petty differences. just as six years earlier the theothe most arrant careerists. But even the best of these monstrous duplicity disclosed what a secondary, sub rtical struggle of Lenin against liquidationalism seemed ralliés (as psychology suggests and experience ordinate an decorative role is played after all by ideo to him a tempest in a glass of water. In this cyniproves) demonstrate towards new revolutions the same logy under the bureaucratic regime of the apparatus. cal contempt for political principles and in this conqualities that they showed before and even on the eve But, now that there is no longer any reason to speak ciliatory empiricism lies the whole basis: of the future of the October: lack of foresight, want of creative ini of the leadership of Bucharin, inasmuch as the main alliance with Chiang Kai Shek, of the collaboration tiative and real revolutionary courage. The Kolarovs, point of the Sixth Congress was to liquidate him, there with Purcell, of the theory of socialism in one country, the Peppers, the Kuusinens, the Valetskys, the Marti remains Stalin. But here we fall from one paradox of the dually composed workers and peasants Parties, novs, the Petrovskys, the Lozovskys and the other he into another: for he who is called today, with some of the unity with the Martinovs, the Peppers and the roes who overslept, who missed or destroyed one, two, reason, the leader of the International, did not even Petrovskys for the struggle against the Bolsheviksthree and even more revolutions, are undoubtedly say show up at the Congress, and in his later speeches dis Leninists.
ing to themselves: Let a new revolution come our way posed of the questions of the Program and the strategy Let us quote another letter of Stalin, written on and this time we will prove ourselves. It is like the of the International with a few meaningless phrases. August 7, 1923, on the situation in Germany: unlucky hunter who swears after every miss that he And that again is no accident. Should we, the Communists. in the present stage)
will take better aim at the next bird. Remembering STALIN strive take over power without the social democrats, their faults and uneasy at the idea that they have not are we mature enough for that? That, in my opinion, becn forgotten, these post revolutionary revolutionists There is no need at all to dwell upon the grossly is the question. In taking power, we had in Russia are always ready, on a sign from above, to prove their empirical character of Stalin policy. With more or such reserves as a) peace, b) the land of the peasants, fearlessness to the four corners of the earth. That is less belatedness, it is only the passive reflection of the c) the support of the great majority of the working why missed revolutionary situations alternate with no subterranean social clash. The strength of apparatus class, d) the sympathy of the peasantry. The German less tragic revolutionary adventures.
Centrism for a certain period and under certain conCommunists at this moment have nothing of the sort The best than can be done to all the varieties of ditions, lies in an empirical adaptation. But that is. Of course, they have the Soviet nation as their Martinoys, Kuusinens and Peppers is to keep them be precisely where its Achilles heel is.
neighbor, which we did not have, but what can we yond cannon range of the institutions where the des Those who do not know it, find it difficult to imagine offer them at the present moment? If today in Germany tinies of the revolution are decided.
the primitive niveau of the scientific knowledge and the power, so to speak, falls, and the Communists seize the theoretical resources of Stalin. When Lenin was hold of it, they will fail with a crash. That in the One can object that all the figures have enumerat alive, it never occurred to any of us to draw Stalin best case. And in the worst, they will be torn to ed above are only of second order and that the real into discussions of theoretical problems or strategical pieces and thrown back. The whole thing is not that leadership is concentrated in the Political Bureau of the questions of the International. The most he ever had Brandler wants to educate the masses, it is that the Russian Comnunist Party. But that is an illusion. to do was to vote sometimes on this or that question bourgeoisie and the Right social democrats wiil surely Under Lenin, the immediate leadership of the affairs whenever the differences of opinion among the Russian transform the lessons the demonstration into a genpf the International was confided to Zinoviev, Radek leaders of the International necessitated formal vote eral battle (at this moment all the chances are on their and Bucharin. In the solution of questions of ever so of the Political Bureau. In any case, up to 1924 it is im side) and crush them. Of course, the Fascists are not little importance there took part Lenin and the author possible to find a single article, a single speech of asleep, but it is to our interest that they attack first: of these lines. Needles to say that in all the importStalin dedicated to international problems. But this that will rally the whole working class around the ant questions of the International, the key was in the quality. the fact that he was not bound personally Communists (Germany is not Bulgaria. Besides, achands of Lenin. Not one of the present members of the by any ideological obligation or tradition to the funcording to all information, the Fascists are weak in Political Bureau, with the exception of Bucharin, took damental theoretical and international questions renGermany. In my opinion, the Germans must be held the slightest part in the leadership of the Internation dered him only the better fit to lead the policy of re back and not spurred on.
pl, and naturally that was not by mere chance. The treat while, in the country, the classes crushed by the To this amazing document, which we must refrain nature of this work presupposes not only a certain October revolution began to rise again by exerting pres from analyzing here, it must simply be added that in theoretical and political level, but also the direct knowl sure upon the Party. Stalin became necessary when the Spring of 1917, before the arrival of Lenin in Rusedge of the internal life of the Western countries and the October film began to be wound backwards. Every sia, Stalin did not pose the question of the conquest the possession of languages permitting one to follow social epoch, said Marx, invoking the words of Helof power in a more revolutionary manner than he did the foreign press continually. In the present Political vetius, demands its great men; when they do not in 1923 with regard to Germany. Is it not evident that Bureau, no one possesses even these formal qualifica exist, it invents them. Class Struggles in France. Stalin is therefore the most qualified person to brandtions, with the exception of Bucharin, who, while Lenin Well, Stalin is the great man invented by the period ish the thunderbolts over Brandler and the Right wing lived, was only a candidate to the Political Bureau. of the reaction against October.
in general?
BUCHARIN.
It is known that Marxism does not at all deny As to the theoretical level of Stalin, finally, it is The Testament of Lenin, at first glance, gives the personal factor in history; on the contrary, better enough to recall that, in seeking to explain why Marx Bucharin a somewhat contradictory characterization. than any other doctrine, it is capable of elucidating and Engels rejected the reactionary idea of socialism On the one hand, he is spoken of as one of the most the historical function of an outstanding personality. in one country, he declared that in the epoch of Marx valuable and outstanding theoreticians of the Party. But the fetichism of the personal factor is entirely and Engels there could be no question of the law of on the other hand it is pointed out that it is very alien to Marxism. The role of a personality is always unequal development in the capitalist countries. There doubtful if his theoretical conceptions can be taken explained by the objective conditions contained in class could be no question of it! That is what was written as Marxist conceptions, for there is something scholast relationships. There have been historical periods in on September 15, 1925!
ic in them (he has never wholly understood the dia which, according to the expression of an intelligent What would be said of a mathematician who came lectic. How can a non dialectician and a scholastic enemy, Ustrialov, to save the country. an outstand to maintain that Lagrange, Hauss or Lobatchevsky be the theoretician of a Marxist Party? will not dwell ing mediocrity and nothing more proved necessary. could not yet know of logarithms? With Stalin this upon the fact that the Testament. written for the In his Eighteenth Brumaire, Marx showed, according is no isolated case. If the hashed eclecticism of his Party with a definite aim, is permeated with the desire to his own words, how the class struggle created the speeches and his articles are examined, one will perto balance off it was that to a certain extent circumstances and the conditions that permitted a ceive that they consist almost solely of this kind of the characteristics of each militant leading the Party: mediocre and vulgar personage to play the role of pearls and diamonds of almost virginal ignorance.
Lenin carefully withholds any too marked praise just a hero. Marx had in mind Napoleon III. The social as he softens too harsh a judgment. Still, this has TO BE CONTINUED subsoil of the latter was formed by the small peasant refernce only to the form of the Testament and not proprietors, under the mutual neutrality bourto its essence, it does not explain how Marx geo and the proleta Essential elements such ONCE AGAIN PALESTINE!
ist works of a writer who has not mastered the dia a situation exist among us also. Everything is in the Just a few days after the publication of the thesis lectic can be valuable. Nevertheless, the characteri mutual relation of forces and in the tendencies of fur of the reecnt Party Plenum, there arrived Inprecorr zation given by Lenin, despite its seeming contradiction ther evolution. We are still fighting for these tendencies. Vol. 9, No. 54. containing a statement by the meant to sweeten the pill a little, is not contradictory But in the meanwhile it is incontestable that the fur of Palestine on the recent events. The Party in essence and is entirely correct.
ther we go the more the Stalinist regime appears as thesis denounces the viewpoint of the Militant as counThe dialectic does not do away with formal logic, the preparation of Bonapartism.
ter revolutionary. Unfortunately for the local StalinJust as the synthesis does not do away with analysis, Che tempt for questions of principle and meagerness ites the statement of the Palestine is entirely but is, on the contrary, supported by it. Bucharin jughts have always accompanied Stalin. In 1925, identical with our view and opposite to that of the mode of thought is formally logical and from Party paper, Saria Vostoka, did him a bad Daily Worker and Freiheit.