l l pires and is cvc being completcd in one countiy. have now a theory which teaches that it is possible to build up Socialism in one country and that the inter relations of that country With the ca lll world can be built on the basis of neutralization of the world bourgeoisie (Stalin. Advancing this essentially national ref irmist it not revolution; y interna tional point of View, the ncc. ty for the slogan of a United States of Europe falls away or is at least diminished. But this slogan is, from our u nportaiit and vitally necessary prc a lse it condemns the idea of an isolated socialist dci elopment. For the proletariat of every European country, even to 21 greater extent than for the ithc difference is only of degree it will be of the most vital necessity to carry the revolution to the neigbouring countries and tollsupport insurrections in them with arms in hand not because of abstract international solidarity, which is in itself unable to move the classes, but because of the vital considerations which Lenin has formulated hundreds of timesi namely, without TIMELY aid from the international revolution we will not be able to hold out. The slogan of the Soyiet UEIILSCI States corresponds with the dyn amics, of the proletarian revolution which does not break out simultaneously in all countries, but passes on from country to country and closest cl contact among them, especially on European terrrioiry, both with the objwt of defense against the most powerful foreign foes, and with economic objects.
One may, it is true, try» to object, declaring that since the period of the Ruhr crisis which was the very I impulse for the adoption of that slogan, the latter has not played a big role in the agitation of the. nmuiiist Partiesof Europe and has, so or taken root. But this is fully true also us of L1 iVOrkers Soviet Government, etc, all slogans to be used ON THE VERY E OE REVOLUTION. This may be explained by the iact that since the end of )23, notwithstanding the mistaken political expectations of the 1:1 i Congress, the revolutionary movement on the EUR JPBEU. continent has been on the decline.
But that is exactly why it is detrimental to build a progr or some of its parts, under the inipres sions ic red only in that period. It was not by mere an dent that, despite all prejudices, the slogan of Soviet United States of Europe was accepted precisely in 1923 when a revolutionary outburst 35 expected in Germany and when the question of State interrelationships in Europe as!
sumed an exceedingly burning character. Every new a ntuation of the European, and, partir cularly, world crisis, is grave enough to be able to raise main political problems, and to advance again th logan of the United States of Europe, Itis th e fundamentally wrong to keep silent over the again without having rejected it, that is, to keep it somewhere in reserve, to be used in emergency. On questions of principle the keep!
ing in reserve policy does not hold good. THE CRITERION OF INTER NATIONALISM it. as we already know, is making an :eed in its construction from the view»
point of rld economy and its inner tendenciesfi a thing which deserves recognition The Pravda is absolutely right when it says that therein lies the basic and fundamental difference between us and national patriotic Social Democracy, Only by faking world economy, which dominates Over all its parts, as a basis can a program of the interna tional proletarian Party be built. But precisely in analysing the main tendencies of world develop ment the draft displays not only an incompleteness, which depreciates its value, as has already been pointed out above, but also falls into gross one»
sidedness, leading to grave blunders.
The draft refers many times, and not always in the proper place, to the law of uneven develop: menoof capitalism as to the main and almost all!
determining law of that development. Many misr takesin the draft including the fundamental error, are theoretically based on the one sided and mis. taken non Marxian and noaneninist interpretation onthe law of uneven development.
in the first chapter the draft says. Uneven economic and political development is )lute law of capitalism. This unevenness be. still more accentuated and intensified in the (30m epoch of imperialism. This is true. This formula in part. condemns. formu tion of the question, according to which Marx and Engels did not know the law of u ven development and that it was first discover ed by Lenin. On September 15, 1925, Stalin requires THE MILITANT wrote that Trotsky has no reason to refer to En who wrote at a time en THERE COULD Bi: NO QUESTION of the knowledge of the law of uneven development of capitalist countries. Uni believable. as these words may be, Stalin, one of the authors of the draft, has nevertheless repeated them more than once. The text of the draft, as we have seen, has taken a step forward in this res pect. If however, we leave aside the correction of this elementary mistake, what is said in the draft about the law of uneven devclopment is in essence oncrsided and insufficient It would have been more correct first of all to say that the whole history of mankind is governed by the law of uneven development. Capitalism finds various sections of mankind at diverse stages of development with grave internal contradictions in each one of them. Great diversity in the yarv ious levels, and extraordinary uneveness in the rate of development of the different parts of mankind in the various periods of time, is the STARTING POINT of capitalism. The latter gains mastery gradually over the inherited unevenness, It breaks and alters it, employing thereby its own methods and its own ways. In contradistinction t0 the econ!
omic system which preceded it, capitalism is con!
stantly aiming at economic expansion, at the pene: tration of new territories, the mitigation of econ omic differences, the conversion of hemmed in PID vinCial and national economies into a system of fine ancial inter relationships and thereby brings about their approchement and equalizes the economic and cultural levels of the most progressive and backward countries. Without this main process, the relative levelling out of, at first, Europe with Great Britain and then America with Europe, the industrializr ation of the colonies, the diminishing distance be tween India and Great Britain, with all the conse quences arising from the enumerated processes upon which is based not only the program of the Communist International, but also its very existr ence, would be inconceivable. By bringing the countries economically nearer to each other and levelling out their state of development, capitalism acts however, by methods of its OWN, that is by anarchistic methods which constantly undermine its own work by playing up one country against another and one branch of industry against an; other, developing some parts of world economy, while hampering and throwing back the develop!
ment of some of its other parts. Only the merging of these two main tendenciesfithe centrifugal and centripetal, the levelling and eq ualizing tendencies which equally arise from the nature of capitalism explains to us the live texture of the historical process of the last centuries.
Imperialism, thanks to the universality, pener trability and mobility, and the break neck rapidity in the formation of finance capital as the drialing force of imperialism, lends vigor to both of these tendencies. Imperialism links up imcomparably more rapidly and more deeply the individual nat ional and continental units into one, bringing them into closest and most vital dependence upon each other and rendering their economic methods, social forms and levels of development more identical. It attains this aim at the same time by means of such antagonist methods, such jumps, and such flights on the backward countries and districts, that the unification and levelling of world econ omy effected by it is upset by themselves even more rapidly and in a, more convulsive manner than in preceding epochs. Only such a dialetical and not purely mechanical understanding of the law of uneven development can make possible the weld ance of the fundamental error which the draft program, submitted to the Sixth Congress, has failed to avoid, Right after the oneIsided characteristic of the law of uneven development pointed out by us, the draft program says. From this it follows that the international prole tarian revolution must not bwregarded as a single simultaneous and universal act. The victory of socialism is at first possible in a few or even in one capitalist country.
That the international revolutions of the mole tariat cannot be a simultaneous act, of this, it goes without saying, there can in general be no dispute among grow, up people after the ex; perience of the October Revolutioneffected by the proletariat of a backward country under pressure of historical necessity, without having in the least waited for the proletariat of the advanced countries to even out the front. To that extent the reference to the law of uneven development is absolutely correct and quite in place. But matr ters stand quite differently with the second half of the deduction namely, the meaningless state: November 15. 192. prove its p0 draft program Simply says From this it follm One gets the impression that it follows from the law of uneven development. But it does not folio at all. From this follox. something quite th contrary. If the historical process would be sn that some countries develop not only unevenly, but even INDEPENDENTLY OF EACH OTHER, isolated from each other, then from the law of even development would no doubt follow the sibility of the building up of Socialism in one Czlplt alist countrye at first in the most advanced country and then, as they mature, in the more backward ones. That was the customary, so to say, average idea of the transition to Socialism within the ranks of pre war social domocracy. This idea was precisely the theoretical basis of social patriot.
Of course the draft program does not hnld this view. But it is inclined towards it.
The theoretical error of the draft lies in the fact that it seeks to deduct from the law of uneven development something which the law does not imply and cannot imply. Uneven or sporadic development of various countries constantly upsets but by no means ELIMINATES the growing economic ties and interdependence of these couir tries which the very next day after four years of hellish war were compelled to exchange their coal, bread and oil for powder and suspenders. On this basic question, the draft expresses the idea that historical development proceeds only on the of sporadic jumps while the economic which gives rise to these jumps, and upon which they occiir. is entirely left out of sight by the authors of the draft, or is forcefully eliminated by them, This is done with the sole object of defend ing the undefendable theory of Socialism in one country.
After what has been said, it is not difficult to understand that the only correct way to formulate the question would be that Marx and Engels had even prior to the imperialist epoch arrived at the conclusmn that on the one hand uneveness, c, sporadic historical development, stretches the pro letarian revolution through a whole epoch in the course of which the nations will enter the revolu tioriary flood one after another, while, on the other hand, the organic interdependence of the various countries, the developing international division of labor, excludes the possibility of building up Si.
cialism in one country, the more so now 111 the present epoch when imperialism has developed, deepened and sharpened both these antagonistic tendencies and has rendered the Marxian doctrine that the Socialist revolution can begin only on a national basis while the building up of a Socialist society withing national boundaries is impossible, DOUBLY AND TREBLY TRUE. On this ques tion, Lenin merely developed and put in concrete terms Marxist formulations and Marx answer to this question.
Our Party program is entirely based on the 111 derlying international conditions of the October revolution and Socialist construction. To prove this, one would only have to copy the theoretical part of our program. Here we will merely point out that when at the Eighth Congress of the Party, the late Podbelsky alluded that some formulations of the program refer only to the revolution in RUS sia, Lenin replied in his concluding speech on the question of the Party program (March 19, 1919)
the following. Podbelsky raised objections to the paragraph which speaks of the PENDING social revolution. His argument is obviously unfounded because IN OUR PROGRAM IT IS QUESTION OF THE ISO CIAL REVOLUTION ON AN INTERNATION AL SCALE. Vol. 16, page 113. It will not be Gift of place to point out here that at about the same time Lenin suggested that our Party change its name from Communist Party of.
Russia so Communist Party so as to emphasize still further that is a party of INTERNATIONAL REVOLUTION. was the only one voting for that motion at the However, he did not bring the matter before the Congress in view of the foundation of the Third International. This position proves that there could noLeven have been a thought of Socialism in one country at that time. That alone is the reason why the Party program does not condemn this theory but merely EXCLUDES it.
But the Young Communist League program which was adopted two years later had to issue a direct warning against homerbred illusions and narrowamindedness on the question of proletari revolution, with the object of training the youth in the spirit of internationalism. But we Will ssill speak of this later. TO BE CONTINUED) a 17. November 17, 9 223.
THE MILAITVANI: The BB main danger in the American Party comes from the right. This is due to the changing objective conditions of the class struggle in the United States and the opportunist political line of the Lovestone group which is the majority of the Central Co niittee.
The mafuring inner contradictions of American capitalism and the leftward drift of the masses produce a turning point in the class struggle. From a long period. of retreat before the onslaught of capital the American workers are passing over into a period of defense and resistance preliminary to a higher phase of offensive and aggressive strug gle against capitalist exploitation.
In this period of increasing sharpness of class relations and class struggles in the United States, requiring a reorientation of the Party perspec tives to changing conditions and a reformulation of Party policy toward more aggressiveness, inia tiative and militancy, we confront the danger of holding on to old perspectives, outworn policies and methods of work, which prevent the full un folding of the Party leadership in the developing struggles.
The danger in such a period as we are entering in the United States comes from the right. This danger becomes real and actual because the Love, stone group, which constitutes the majority in the Central Committee, refuses to orientate itself to the changing conditions of struggle and pursues an opportunist line, as will be proven in the fol: lowing points. Overestfmation of the Reserve Powers of American Imperialism.
Two basicfactors determine the condition of American capitalism in the present period: I) The maturing inner coutradictions of American capita: ism (disproportion between the rate of expansion of productive capacity and rate of growth of volume of production, disproportion between the growth of production and consumption, unemployr merit, the contradictions of rationalization, capital export, polarization of wealth and poverty, etc. are beginning to produce qualitative changes in the whole economic system; 2) These inner cone tradictions are maturing in the surroundings of a declining world capitalism and the Socialist growth of the which sharpen, intensify and accelerate the development of the contradictions of American capitalism, hastening the coming of its downfall.
An analysis of the degree of ripeness of those contradictions, will show that American capitalism is about to reach the apex of growth and that fur ther expansion leads American capitalism to fur ther and more drastic attacks upon the standards of life of the American masses and to an attempt at an armed redivision of the world market and spheres of imperialist domination, both of which only further intensify these contradictions leading to the duivnl. of American imperialism.
In the licht oi the above, the present economic depressio inc tably become the forerunner of a deep crisis, even though American postponing its coming. reserve powers which it still enjoys. This depre cannot be viewed mere ly as a, normal cycncal depression having only slight and passing effects. On the contrary, be!
cause of the qualit e changes which are taking place in American capitalist economy every such cyclical depression intensifies to the highest (16 gree the contradictions of capitalism, undermines deeper the entire structure, eventually leading to deep going crises.
The Lovestone group has an entirely diffent conception of the position and present phase of American capitalism, This conception is marked by the following characteristics: The main emphasis upon the tendencies mark: in: for the growth id power of American capitalism. Totally inacequate emphasis upon the force and cumulative effect of the contradictions of Amer ican capitalism, which are already producing quall itativc Changes. The Lovestone group sees no qualitative changes taking place in American capitalism. Lack of proper evaluation of the inner Con tradictions of American capitalism as distinct from the undermining effects of the declining world cap italism and the growth of the Viewing the coming of deep going crises in America mainly as a result of the disintegrating inr fluenccs of declining world capitalism, relegating to tlije background the effects of the inner contradic tions of Aiaericsn capr tah sm. Following the lead of bourgeois economists in The following document was submitted by the delegation of the Opposition in the American Party to the Sixth World Congress of the Communist International, in July 1928I and signed by James Cannon, William Foster, William Dunne, Alex Bittelman, Iolmstone, Manuel Gomez and George Siskin. This serious and powerful political indictment of the line and activities of the Lovesmne Pepper leadership of the American Party was dismissed after the sessions of the Congress had been concluded with a ten line set of motions which were addpted by the Political Secretariat of the Neither the scant treatment accorded to this document By the not the present attempt of some of th former leaders of the Opposition in the American Party to depart from this platform in any way cfi gturbs the essential validity of this indictment and its pYe posals. Evehts in the Party since its presentation to the have entirely confirmed (lie correctness of the line of the document, and excepting certain wrong formulations contained in it on the world position and role of American imperialism, we confine to stand on it: The Lovesto he Pepper majority has voted to prohibit the pinblipiitlofl or circularizafion of this document in the ranks; We will prim it consecutively in The Militant.
The following is the first installment EDITORS. uunnn nin. tr (runn. nnn. nhu. uu evaluating the present depression only as a races: sion. On this the Lovestone group persisted as late as February, 1928. Accepting the theory of spottiness of the capitalist press and capitalist economists to explain the nature of the present depression and refusal to see its special characteristic as a forerunner of a deep going crisis. Undcrestimation of the great significance in the imperialist epoch of the strikingly uneven (level!
opm enf of industry (coal, oil, textiles, etc. in con: nection with other inner contradictions of American capitalism. Failure to understand the processes of ratiow alization. the menacing nature of the movement designated as capitalisticngincering»efficicncy social ism and the integration of the labor aristocracy and bureaucracy into the imperialist machine of American capitalism.
10. Failure to understand the full effects of the rationalization drive u the workers particularly as represented by theplargc extent of Wage cuts, especially piece rates.
ii. Assuming that the course of American im perialism will proceed mainly along the lines of development of British capitalism and failure to understand the basically different present world sittl cation.
The totality of these characteristics make for a dangerously opportunist conception of presentde American capitalism and for a grave overestimation of its reserve powers.
This tendency of the Lovestooe group finds its expression in the original draft of the February thesis, the CEC. plenum resolution of May 1927, and in the writing and speeches of Comrades Line stone, Pepper, Wolfe, Nearing, etc, etc.
II. Uriderestimation of the Leftward Drift of the Masses.
The murderous effects of the rationalization drive of American capitalismppon the masses (4, 000, 000 unemployed, speedup, wage cuts, etc. the sharpening imperialist aggression of the Amer. ican ruling class (Nicaragua, China, Philippines, the. uccess of Socialist construction in the. the systematic breakdown of the effects of capitalist and reformist propaganda, are all pro, ducing a widespread leftward drift of the masses in the ed States.
There is a ye. eral gr.
fancy and is skilled and unskilled 15ch (the bulk of the American proletariat. process of widespread and general radicalization is taking place in all industries among the most exploited sections of the workers.
This leftward or rat tion drift of the in e came to most active expression in the struggle of the mining, textile, and needle trades workers, and in the widespread fomcrit and prospects for struggle in the automobile, shoe, oil, meat packing, rubber, and other indus ties.
The April lctter of the to our Party characterizes this general leftward drift as a rap idly growing participation of the workers in mass struggles.
Similar signs of fomer and leftward develop ment are shown among the working farmers who continue to suffer under the effects of the agri cultural crisis which though somewhat retarded, has not been liouidated.
This leftward drift means a definite break in the mood of the American masses. break from passivity and retreat to increasing militancy and struggle.
The Lovestone group does not share this point of View. Its conception 6f the mood of the Ameria can masses is marked by the following character»
istics: etc. vrth of discontent, mili. no the 1. Failure to see the break in the mood of the ight Dangcrin the American Party American in and thc coming of a turning point in the clas lc. Dcnial of the cxistcncc of a Widespread and. general leftward or radicalization dr. among the bulk of the American workers, covering it up with a dcmagogic and false charge against the minority that it believes in a deepvgoing to. utio nary radicalization of the entire American working class. Carrying over into the question of the mood of the masses the bourgeois theory spottincss. insisting upon the spotty nature of a icaliza ion in the sense that it is found only among: lic workers in the mining, textile and needle indusf. 4. Failure to recognize a leftward drilt among the working farmers. Failure to develop a? ffective agrarian program. Failure to treat th; icultural workers as part of the proletariat. y Instead of taking advantage of the obvious manifestations of the radicalization drift of the masses, the Lovestone group underestimates it, and con tinnally and systematically (in speeches, articles, resolutions, ctc. issues warnings and concentrates its attack against those who are seeking to attract the Party attention and orientate its policy on the growing favorable condition for struggle resulting from this adicalization.
The sum of these characteristics constitute a scrious underestimation of the leftward drift of, the American masses.
III. La ck of Perspective of Struggle.
The growing aggressiveness of American capital!
ism, internally against. the masses, externally against its imperialist rivals, chiefly England; and the leftward drift of the masses, constitute the main basis for a perspective of sharpening class sti uge gle and an increasing degree of leadership of our Party in the struggles of the masses. This follows from a correct analysis of the cliininishin reserve powers of American capitalism and 1311 growing leftward drift of the masses.
The letter to our Party of April 13, 1928, states in the following way this perspective of struggle in America. Amid an atmosphere of growing dctn ression developing towards a crisis a. me and aggressive policy on the part or can im pcrialism at home and abroad (naval bn cution of the workers through injuric rin. gua, Philippines, Mexico and so on. and Under conditions of a rapidly growing participation of the.
workers in mass struggles, as shown by the hcrOic struggle of the miners in Pennsylvania and Ohio, by the Passaic textile workers strike, the firilxt in the needle trades, the historic Sacco Va ii a tation; the Workers (Communist) Party, Wl llC) 11 already played the leading role in these struggles, and was able also to take a prominent part in the miners struggle in Colorado, has now as its or task to mobilize and organize the workers Lind. its banner against the capitalist olfc and. s: the re!
formist supporters of capitalism, namcl (hr: Amerr ican Federation of Labor, and the Social Party ol Amciica. TO BE CONTINUED)
OUR NEXT ISSUE The next issue of The Militant will co installment of Trotsky Ciiticisin of the Iol the Communist International. rcvicw of the Pres, idential election results. Another section of the Right Danger in the American Party. An article on trade union questions. Reports and comment on c smuggle against bureaucratic cxpu ons of Commun from the Party. More documcnts of lhc Ru oLlic. ctcrial and comment for tl Another if: Program CIRCULATE Tl lE MlLITANT The ll Iilitant, official Or an of. the Opposition Group in the Communist Party of America, which makes its appearance with this lss will be published twice a month.
It will print regularly the sressecl writings of Trotsky, Radck, Zineviev and oi ber lead er: of the Iiii crnatioiml Coins nu; men: as well as timely articles and or. the American situation which denied publication in (be officlaI Party Ijrc. The material piiblished in The Militant cannot be secured om any other source.
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