BolshevismBourgeoisieCapitalismCommunismDemocracyLiberalismSocial DemocracySocialismSocialist PartyStrikeSyndicalismWorkers MovementWorkers PartyWorking Class

December 6th, 1919.
THE COMMUNIST Page Thro PARTY YELLOW NONANTIS FLABOR)
FAKIRS Birth of Labor Party. understand that the experiences of labor in tion of the conglomerate group can be fulEurope mean something to us here. The in filled by common action. But now the truth CCORDING to all that has appeared in spiration for the Labor Party here is the is being driven in upon the working class А our Left Wing and Communist litera. Labor Party of England, and the most super that it must rely upon itself alone, and upon ture about the counter revolutionary role official reading of the English press shows its own direct modes of action, and that Laborism it would appear that we ought to that Laborism has now become the real there is nothing for it along the public greet the birth of a National labor Party party of Liberalism. The merger between opinion route, with changed fages in as a grimly eril portent. But no. We are Laborites and Liberals has already made Congress, and countless intricacies of stacalm. We do not see, as in a nightmare, great headway. Arthur Henderson is the tutory amendments, which amount to nothe advent of the power which is to be our personification of this new Socialist Labor thing when the score is counted.
undoing Liberalism: the creed or class peace labor In the face of the existing situation in the It was not a birth, but a still birth. reformism, kindly imperialism and rigorous coal strike, think how exhilarating to the Theory must not lose its touch with anti Bolshevism. Arthur Henderson is as miners, how wonderfully convincing, will reality, else it becomes empty dogma. We safe for British finance imperialism and be the wordy resolution of the Labor Party have seen the role of Laborism in Europe British Inndlordism as was Kerensky for the Convention demanding the impeachment under one test and another. We have seen same interests in Russia, as is Wilson in the of Judge Anderson! Everybody knows that Laborism (often under the name of SocialUnited States, or as would be any of our this is the sheerest nothingness of empty ism) come into partial or complete power Progressives, Laborites or Socialists.
words. Can there be patience with such American labor is bound to be more im word bubbles when labor faces a life and only to betray the hopes and aspirations of the working class, in the cabinets of France, pressed by the Triple Alliance, with its death combat? The only politics the workAustralia, England, Belgium and in other strong trend toward direct action. tempo ing class will now take seriously is the policountries. We have seen the whole moverarily held in check by Trade Union leaders tics of working class action through its own ment of labor reformism turned directly of the Gompers Lewis variety. Nothing will organs of power, the politics of sovietism come out of Parliament to make the Labor and proletarian dictatorship.
against the proletarian revolution when there was no other effective power to stem Party noticeable, except as it adds to the In a word, the class lines are already too the tide of working class revolt and triumph. proofs that it is safe for democracy.
firmly drawn for relaxation through Laborism. crisis has been reached when the Why not the same role for Social ReformLABOR ism, for Social Patriotism for Socialistmasses are no longer to be deceived by the Laborism in the United States? The wordy nothingness of democracy within: capitalism. The class struggle drives relenttheory is compelling; inherent in labor reformism, with its acceptance of the capital 480 lessly on to the test of mass power against intrenched class power.
ist state as the avenue for working class SOCIALISD Consider the Labor Convention itself.
emancipation, is all of the betrayal and the tragic reactionism which has occurred in Every brand of reformism was represented, from that of the genteel and scholarly other countries. Laborisin presents the perfect program for the State Capitalism Forty Eight to that of the ex Socialists, which is now needed as the political basis Even where there are well established duly accredited by their treason to their own for finance imperialism. There is com Labor Parties, or strong Socialist parties of advocacies of so many years. The Non Parplacent capitalistic acquiescence in the start identical character, the workers are no longer tisan Leaguers joined hands with the Laing of such a party in the United States, looking to the legislative assemblies for the borites just at the time when the farmer and we may rest assured that there will be realization of their demands. Mass action is organizations generally are missing ng op no more strenuous opposition than is needed their real dependence.
portunity to voice their bitter jealousy of agfor the purposes of sham battles of a polit But the assertion that the new Labor gressive labor, even in its regulation maior demands.
ical game where nothing more is at stake Party is still born and impotent is not based than the spoils of office for the professionals so much on the surmise that our workes The official o. van of the new panty percen who keep up the show. So far as theory will take to heart the European lessons as fully quotes the comment of one reporter goes we might already draw the picture of upon certain outstanding circumstances that this was the first convention he ever Sheidemann Bauer Noske Kautsky Hin which surround the launching of the new attended where there was not some kind of denburg democracy in the United States. political venture.
dispute about the seating of delegates. There But the realities to which our theorizing Political Laborism is the counterpart of was neither test of principle nor of distinct is now to be applied are vastly changed Trade Unionism, and it is strikingly ap representation of some social group or inThe world of the generation preceding 1914 parent that official Trade Unionism is rapidterest. The trick is to hold together as has given way to the new historical era ly losing its hold on its own membership and many conflicting political philosophies as ushered in on November 7th, 1917. The is frantically engaged in trying to prevent possible, representing as many conflicting emergence of Socialist Laborism in the and stop the membership action. It is not social interests; to merge as great a hodgeUnited States in 1919 cannot mechanically unlikely that wholesale expulsions may eren podge as possible into acceptance of as be given the perspective of the pre revolu be attempted, as in the case of the Socialist vaguely comprehensive a program as postionary period. Two years after the prole Party with its rebels, with the Railroad sible. The vague phrases cover up the real tarian victory in Russia, and one year after Brotherhoods as the initiators of such a selfish interests of the various groups, each the abysmal betrayal of the revolutionary policy. It is hardly likely that this is a time of which is confident that it can use the working class by the Social Democracy of when Trade Unionists, somewhat more ag.
others to its special advantage. All of this Germany, the coming of a Labor Party into gressive than the central of is not necessarily conscious; it is the inevitthe field in the United States need excite bureaucracy but of the same fundamental able character of small middle class politics, little uneasiness of a backward swing of viewpoint, can make themselves the mild jealous alike of dominant capital and of its the pendulum of our labor movement. political leaders of a membership goaded own inter group advantages. united only Most pointedly, the fact that the Labor to a new militancy loosely and purely definsively. equally Party arrives after the breakup of the Soc Think of an appeal for democratism preagainst the finance oligarchy and against the ialist Party in this country, aiter the issues sented to American labor at the moment revolutionary proletariat. inherently inhave already been projected of the inherent when the whole governmental power which capable of any program except that of the reactionism of Socialist Laborism, signifies is to be constitutionally reformed, item by status quo, except that of trying to hold a tremendously reduced possibility of fool item, one step at a time, is turned directly things in balance, ignoring the inviteable ing the workers. Communist propaganda against the pitiable demands for living wages forces compelling progress through revois already firmly intrenched in a strong and human hours of toil. courts, executive lution.
separate organization. There is no longer departments. Congress, army, all in perfect The Liberal forty eight. seeking a new the pre war condition of revolutionary Soc teamwork. And the public voices almost weapon with which to lull militant labor ialism silenced by the official party expres uniform approval in the tens of thousands of into democratic repose, and the traitor Sosion of parliamentary reformism as the sum newspapers and magazines reaching every cialists, instinctively coming into the aligntotal of Socialism. Laborism and Socialisin nook of the country. It is precisely this ment which might have stood as the greattogether, having arrived at a singleness of organized opinion which is to be reckoned est barrier against the proletarian revoluprogram and practice, must now make head with in the voting game. It is this publiction in the United States, will do their utway against the assertive challenge of Com opinion which is the entire basis of Labor most to prepare this organized reactionism munism when Communism, in its first Democratism, a belief that somehow all the of the lower strata of the bourgeoisie. But, great Russian triumph. has already gripped intermediary elements can be politically fortunately, their undertaking comes too the hearts of the toilers everywhere!
The workers of the United States begin to joined against the big financiers and at the late in history to have any chance for suceame time that all the demands of each seca cess.