Workers of the World Unite
WEEKLY OF THE LEFT WING SOCIALISTS
No. 1, Vol. I.
Published by the Socialist Propaganda League of America
Boston, Mass, Jan. 6, 1917
One Dollar a Year; Six Mes. 50c; Canadian, $1.50
Box 23, Roxbury Sta.
(For "The Internationalist")
"We are at the dawn of a new era, the day is big with the content of social eruptions, economic and political strikes, revolutions."
THIS is the source and justiﬁcation of our action, our League and our paper.
Those who cannot see the new day will stand aside, will continue in old forms moved by old ideals, will mumify in capitalist legality and morals, and will be crushed under the Iron Heel of Imperialism.
We meat the dawn of a new era; but this era may turn out to be an era. of new slavery, of absolute con trol of monopolistic financial interests over the working class, a. new period of Industrial Feudulism, if we do not arise to an ever growing ac tion, if we fail to put all of our energies, the full aconomic power of our class to inﬂuence the development of tendencies, which manifest them selves in the present world war.
Standing on the solid ground of the economic conception of history, we reject the mechanical point of view. that things will work out all right by themselves. We know that our will and our action form part, and a most important part, of economic development; and while we are fully convinced that we never can act against history, the failure to act when conditions are ripe, may in 11 jidéiod oi barban ani and bloodshed, such as only an outgrown class can inﬂict upon its victims.
Those who are convinced that a Socialist organization of society is within the possibilities of our pres ent economic developments, is within our reach, should get active, should support this movement full hearted with life and soul.
Those who have confidence In their own class and see that the capitalist class can only maintain itself by brutal force, of which the world war is an episode, must understand that the old party tactics are a thing of the past, are obsolete. The result of clinging to the old systems is that the party is dead and the only chance to come to life again, is in a fundamental reorganization.
We want to reorganize from the bottom up, we want to criticise, to arouse the feeling and thinking of the rank and ﬁle, so as to become still more dissatisﬁed with actual conditions. We want to illustrate our opinions 011 every day facts, which will often mean that we also have to criticise persons. Although our criticism will be only for the cause and therefore impersonal; even if it hurts personal feelings, we will not stop critics for personal considerations.
We would like to stay and work inside the party, as long as we can have full rights of criticism, which is considered the only chance to get new life in the dead body.
There can be no discussion whether our party is really dead, unless we should apply a stondald of life that is unworthy for a movement that has the world Benson adits it in saying that the party mem bership is cut to pieces, the spirit. of the pa1ty badly r1ddled p10foundly discouraged, etc. William Bohn emphasizes it in the Sunday Call 1n stating that a good share of life went out of the pol ty and that. While the party machinery was con we progressed rapidly backwaids and the national organization has remained dead An editorial in the Intemutional Review suggests that p1obably not one in a hundred vote once. in. four years socialists knows what real Socialism 51. Not whether the party is wrong will be the question before the house, but how it can get to life again, how it can regain touch with the working class, how It can become what it ﬁhould be: the lender in the front line of ﬁghting, the, eye and the heart and the brains of the workers in their class struggle.
The very fact that we are dead proyes that we failed to recognize the changes in modern society. We did not realize in time that under the new form of absolute control by big monopolistic interests in the period of Imperialism, we have to use methods of ﬁghting in accordance with the situation.
The Money Trust does not grant reforms because you talk skillfully in Congress, because you use such valuable arguments, and it becomes.
ever so more absurd to try to use one part of the bourgeoisie against another, to play politics against the one reactionary enemy.
Our arguments should expose the lies and the unscrupulous methods of, our toes, and thereby arouse the workers to action. Mass action cannot be invented, cannot be put into effect by leaders, it grows out of con ditions; it will grow, it has grownl already and we can help to give it a reasonable goal, a more eliicient form, a stronger and better organization, but only if we participate in the light.
Not if we stand by idly when our fellow workers revolt single handed against the oil trust, steel trust or other big interest; not if we allow.
one group after another to be beaten into submission, not if we fail to show a united uncompromising front against all militarism and imperialism innie 1vlii teifdf prcmitt.
Comrades of the Socialist party and outside of the party, get active, join the Propaganda League, suppert The Internationalist, weekly of the Left Wing, and participate in every class conscious mass action on the Industrial as well as 011 the Political ﬁeld, which will be the very best education to yourself and to others, and which will develop methods, tactics and organization, the only form of organization that can be fundamentally democratic. Help to build up the Social Dcmocr: y. It.
Industrial Democracy FRIEND writes to say that he has read the Manifesto and agrees in the main with what we say. But he has observed that one phrase we use is common in the literature of radicalism, and would like to know what we mean by industrial democracy.
By industrial democracy we mean the democratic organization and auministration of all the industries by which the people live, in sucn a manner as to ensure control by the workers employed in them. There is not now, nor can there be industrial democracy while the workers employed in them have nothing to say about what the industries shall do, how the doing shall be regulated, and what shall be done. with the product of their joint labor.
No democrady in industry can ex ist with private monopoly of the tools (machinery) of industry. Industry privatelyowned means industry with private appropriation of all values over and above what is necessary for the reproduction of labor power. It is this appropriation that keeps tho producer poor and makes the parasite rich. The Industrial Democracy will recognize the immutable theory of value, which is: Labor is the Substance of. and Socially Necesdnry Labor Tune the Measure of, Value.
We have seen Henry Ford written about as z1n industrial democrat.
But his Detroit plant is not an in«
dustrial demoéi ncy. Industrial Deniacracy will let the workers in, or the workers will put themselves in, as owners of the industry.
Again, by industrial democracy we mean an org mization of labor that will be comp eta enough, powerful enough, efficient enough, on the economic field on in the political arena, to make thojsum total of the workers wages eiuol to the sum total of the values tley create.
Socialist Propaganda League of America
(Adopted at a meeting held in the City of Boston, November 26, 1916)
IT IS MANIFEST to every thinking class conscious worker that the present terrific struggle for world power is waged by the capitalist classes to secure a greater share in the exploitation of labor. It is a matter of paramount importance that we, as Socialists, apprehend the basic conditions underlying the strife, and that we prepare to meet the consequences to the world workers that will issue from it. This ad dress to American Socialists and the working class generally is directed to such an understanding. IT IS MANIFEST to every thinking class The war opens a new era. of great conﬂicts, impelled by the new form of absolutism the rule of the monarchs of money and the subjugation of a more 01 less independent class of small capitalists. It means also a more aggressive policy towards labor. The proof of this appears in the United States, printing a larger poltion or the public tevenue to militaristic purposes than any othe1 country, in a so called time of peace, is accompanied by the massing of material capitals amounting to Eight Billions of dollars in a. single Board, to fight labor. War, with the American republic co operating, thus becomes the highest form of exploita. tion by the capitalist class.
In the confusion arising from false issues of the capitalist class, put forward to mislead the workers, we must ever be on our guard against the crafty apologists of wrong posing, as friends of labor. When we are told that we must produce more if we would get more, we know the advice is a bit of special pleading in the interest of those who live without producing. When we are told that we need compulsory arbitration or antistrike laws, we know that such laws not only fail but are a denial of the working class right to develop all its powers to gain emancipation. When we are told that we must be patriots. which, when interpreted by the capitalist class, means readiness to serve in wars to kill our fellow men and defend the property interests of the owning class, as the President of the United States has said, we know that the proletariat is a propertyless class with no country to defend and no fatherland to ﬁght for. This advice from the Pres ident wservant of big capilgull is not less e1loneous and is certainly more dangerous, when given undeJ. the name of Socialism, advocating a bourgeois citinens army or militaiy defense of capitalist interests. We strongly denounce all brands of social pat riots and social imperialists as opposed to the interests of the working class. Instead of nationalism we must do all in our power to promote the true internationalism of labor.
To the thoughtful observer it must be apparent that the elements of wealth production in our present society have outgrown the bourgeois forms of existing nations in which they are restricted. Thc centralization of production, as well as of capital and the monied interests, the close relation of big business and trusts with financial capital all these developments put great capital not only at the head of industry and production, as the dominating power, but also in con trolling influence over the political life and.
activities of the people. All groups and classes of the people in every so called civilsin. spare: schemes for world domination.
ized nation are dependent upon the allpowerful ﬁnancial interests of each nation.
There is no difference in this respect between darkest Russia, with its autocratic form of government, and enlightenet United States, with its democratic institutions that are distinguished by the denial of free speech and organization and shooting by militia and company thugs, for examples of which we do not forget Calumet and Ludlow.
In the demoniac chase for markets where national capital may be invested, for the acquisition or retention of colonies and the expansion of spheres of inﬂuence, capitalist power divides the universe for exploitation among a few groups of nations, and these are bent on world control, even at the cost of exterminating each other, as well as their smaller and dependent associates in c1. ime. 11 Jeri opment making futile the policies of free trade, free competition, and the hopes of. social reformers that compels the governments of the larger nations to provide mili tary resources of increasing magnitude to light for a leading position in the world scramble for supremacy. In this race for world leadership we see Germany and England, France and Italy, Austro Hungary and Russia, the United States and Japan. The triumph of neither of them can be achieved without the destruction, immediate 01 impending, of them all.
The Dawn of a New Era.
Section Two Comrades and Fellow Workers: The time is passed when our national Socialist parties, bound by old forms and moved by old ideals, can pro coed with its old propaganda within the confines of capitalist legality and morals, and expect within these limits to advance the cause of industrial democracy. We are at the (lawn of a new era; the day is big with the content of social eruptions, economic and political strikes, revolutions. It is an era in which the class conﬂict approaches its climax.
The struggle, in all its variations, develops and intensiﬁes from the new policies of im periali sm; that is, from the encroachments of ti of po cal governments.
In the class war, all constitutional rights.
and mm ogatives of the people are ignored or abolished, and the capitalist class, abo in ating Liberty and supported by, guns,, meets the wo1king class with the armed power of the capitalist state. When the workers seek shelter in constitutional gua1antees and essay to use these rights for the betterment of then conditions, they too often find that 1ights and guarantees a1e mere sciaps of paper The capitalist class, with political governments and judicial courts conniving, will tolerate no inteiference with their claSs Meanwhile the condition of the working class bee steadily worse and the future less sec With the cost of essential necessaries of rising to higher and prohibitive 113v 13. average Workman is In acnstan hunger, and with sickness and eye haunting him, has now reached th at go habitual privation.
IE this higher phase or capitalistwh evel apitalist class using the ma ed ﬁst. f. to. 111 surplus va ﬁgjlwges. the earlier classic. Marx, teaches that Urge of the Cause VERY movement which contains in its program elements of such great; import as those confront ing the Socialist Propaganda League of America, calls for the exercise of clear judgment.
than hindsight, and the constructive method is to be preferred to a throw of the dice.
We are starting on a great adventure for the working class of which we are a part an adventure for winning the country and the world for DEMOCRACY IN INDUSTRY.
The very enormity of the crime committed in the name of capitalist civilization, bringing in its. wake the collapse of ou1 old ideals and tactics, inspires us to the venture and is the justification of our acts.
Up to the hour of going to press with this, the initial number of The Internationalist, the Left Wingers who are responsible for launching the League feel that they are not called upon to offer apology. or explanation for their acts. Explanation is found in the catastrophe that has overtaken us, not wholly as a surprise but, in great part, as the. neces sary result of premeditated reaction, reform preachments, and hot house political action.
As the original league men and women have counselled together for a year and a half, so it is proposed that the Left Wing socialists the country over, shall take counsel for ment, the Socialist Propaganda. vane. 1 ta, the. oa 11 afﬁx Ic. awkward 7g advance the standard of undiluted Socialism, leaving to the 1eform impatient inteipretation of the world, and, in full consciousness, apply ourselves to the task of altering it.
The struggle calls for clear thinking to elucidate diﬂlcult problems; it demands. unity of puiposo in mass actions; it insists upox high courage and rare devotion; in brief, as Comrade Anton Pennekoek says. Theory must now go hand in hand formsblind acts to conscious ones and spreads light over the path.
Comr, ades the movement is not.
ours, it is yours, it is humunity All that we ask is the privilege of shur ing with you the service to which all me summoned, to respond 16 the urge of, the time and the Cause THE THEORY QF VALUE No value IS created except by labor.
Wages never vary materially from tion of labor power. Deducting their gives the sum of proﬁt.
is, therefore, a deﬁnite uantity, not necessarily for any pur icular ye but for the approximate. average (if The latter e; to of value.
stance of, and labor time the measur. f, valuégThis immutable theory bf value is the foundation of the entiie science of economics. He 11 Ca hn, Author of. Capital Today Why not say adi antoge of this clubbing oli er lN ERNATIONAL SOCIALIST REVIEW 00 THE IN EIthA IONALIST 1 10 Both mailed to your Foresight is better.
the upbuilding of the greater movem.
Undaunted by world wais and un moved by imperialist threats, let us philosophers and social patiiots their with practice, theo1y which trans what is necessary for the leproduc. sum from the total new value created. bar is the sub. y necessary?