Archivo rebelde es
01 02 15 04 1921 4
01 02 15 04 1921 4 black white

22 THE WORKERS COUNCIL Wing Manifesto, which states that the use of vio lance on the part of the possessing class in holding down the expropriated workers was forcing the latter to adopt similar means to free themselves from capitalist oppression. The doctrines advocated are. a menace, and it behooves Americans to be on their guard to meet and combat a movement which. may on dermine and endanger our cherished institutions of liberty and equality. Emigration must be carefully supervised and the people aroused to the danger to be apprehended from the propaganda of class prejudice and hatred, carried. on by a very small minority mostly of feral birth, and then no doubt those God fearing, li rty lovmg Americans. who appreciate the equal opportunity for all. afl orded by our constitutional form of government and have made and are making sacrifices to improve their condition. and to accumulate property for themselves and for those who come after them, will see to it that these pernicious doctrines are not permitted to take root in America.
This constitutional appeal to lass prejudice and hatred, this call to arms issue to the Godfearing and liberty loving Americans, whose love of libert extends solely to the liberty of unlimited accumulation of property, is hardly necessary at this time. That very small minority of bona fide, hundred per cent Americans who have any property worth defending have long since rallied to our cherished institutions of liberty and equality with a vigorous campaign against the menacing hordes of those who possess nothing except their labor power, which they must sell for what it will bring or face the alternative of starvation and death.
But the well planned campaign with its mam oeuvres of wage reductions and further enslavement of the worker on the job and of wrecking the defensive organizations of the toiling masses, is having a contrary effect to that intended by its marshals. It is consolidating the ranks of the pro ertyless, teaching them by blood and iron the esson of the class struggle, teaching it to them in an even more effective manner than the few Communist agitators ever could, on whom the judicial defenders of our property holder constitution may take a cheap revenge by condemning them to heavy sentences in the penitentiary.
0, THE WICKED MARX!
Surely, public understanding of the revolutionary working class movement has enetrated far mto the minds of the American pub 10 when even the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court in Brook1 begins to show a limmering of understanding.
he learned judges o decide upon the weal and woe of their fellow beings, and whose highest duty lies in the defense and the perpetuation of this blessed god given social system, have just discovered that, from the oint of view, at least, of the Honorable Judges Mills, Rich, Blackmar Kelly an. Joycox, there is nothing in the principles of the Socialist Party, however repugnanat to our minds and consciences the socialist program may be, to stand in the way of its organization to promote its accom Anna 15, 1921.
plishment, provided only that it is clear that the purpose and intent of these organizations is to seek the accomplishment of that purpose by lawful methods, that is to change our form of overnment by amending the Constitution throug constitutional methods. It may be remarked in passing, that, whatever may have been or may now be the situation in any other country, there can be in this country no sort of moral excuse even for advocacy of a resort to any other means of accomplishing suc a change. By the adoption of the Prohibition and Universal Suffrage Amendments we have recently had very striking examples of the practical ease and celerity with which our Constitution may be radically amended.
What was the occasion for such a declaration of faith in the absolute harmlessness of the Socialist Party, and the assurance that its introduction of the socialist state of societ will be brought about with the mild flutter that allowed upon the adoption of the Prohibition and Suffrage amendments!
The Lithuanian Literature Society, an organization of Lithuanian workinomen, incorporated under the laws of the State of flew York had stated in its charter that only members of the Socialist Party of America, or of the legitimate successors of that party. shall be entitled to membership in its ranks. It happens, however, that at the present time, the Lithuanian comrades, for reasons best known to themselves, and easily divined by others, have preferred to leave the ranks of the Socialist Party in such numbers that the existence of the above named organization is practically terminated.
For this reason it has found it necessary to apply for a change in the charter roviding that membership in this corporation sha be limited to individuals who are not opposed to the organization of the workers politically or economically, in or anizations which subscribe to Marxian princip es approved the majority of the members of this corporation. To this change the court has declared itself unalterably opposed. For the court in its eternal wisdom has discovered that to be a believer in the principles of Marx may, and in all probability does mean, to believe not only in the overthrow of the government, but to entertain an avowed suspicion that the capitalist class will not allow the workers to deprive them of their means of exploitation with the same calm cheerfulness that the workers of the United States displayed in the face of the Prohibition amendment.
But the Socialist Party of America will be good under all circumstances. Say the Judges of the Appellate Division. In the interim before the last general election the Socialist Party, at least in this state, amended its platform so as to make it clear that it stands for the attainment of its ultimate object, the proposed change of social and government stems, by constitutional methods only. Upon its atform as amended several members of the Assembly Were elected to and even accepted by the present Assembl. and are now acting as members thereof. The efiict of that amending of the platform of that party would, according to the terms of the present seventh article of petitioner certificate of incorporation, operate, ipaa facto, to expel or withdraw. Mayfre fii 1mm. 15, 1921.
THE WORKERS COUNCIL 23 from the membership of the petitioner every Socialist who holds to the doctrine of so called direct action, that is, the attainment of the desired revolution by forcible means. Upon the other hand, the eflect of the proposed amendment will be to retain such persons in petitioner present membership, and even to admit thereto others of the same kind. Indeed, in the premises no other adequate reason for the desired change is perceived. This Court cannot approve any such scheme, or in any manner contribute to any such result.
The Lithuanian Literature Society will probably hear up under the blow. rose by any other name will smell as sweet. And convenient as incorporation under the law may be, it is by no means an unmixed blessing.
But how about the Socialist Party? Will it calmly submit while the honorable gentlemen purge it of every last vestige of Marxian principles? Must it not fear that, when once the rank and file discovers the truth, when once the secret is out and the cat, that was so securely tied up by a lot of revolutionary sounding red tape, is once let out of the bag, that it will wake up to the fact that for once the court was right, and that there is, in truth, no Marxism left in the Socialist Party. Russian Trade and the Economic Crisis in America The United States Government, through Secretary Hughes, in his note of March 25 answering the Soviet Government proposal of March 21 for the opening of trade relations between Russia and America, refuses to change the position held heretofore, except on condition that If fundamental changes are contemplated, involving due regard for the protection of persons and property and the establishment of conditions essential to the maintenance of commerce, this Government will be glad to have convincing evidence of the consummation of such changes, and until this evidence is supplied this Government is unable to perceive that there is any proper basis for considering trade relations.
Four days earlier, Secretary Hoover issued a statement, evidentlyi on his personal responsibility, opposing Russian rade, for the reason that the question of trade with Russia is more political than economic and that there are no export commadities in Russia today worth consideration.
Secretary Hoover says. you can trade with Russia because she has nothing to export; but Sec retary Hughes says. if fundamental changes are contemplated. then there will be a basis for considering trade relations. There is evidently a discrepancy in the views of the two secretaries.
Hoover refuses to trade altogether, Hughes would trade under certain conditions, These two points of view are very clearl established in Europe by the French and Englis attitude toward Soviet Rus sia. Hoover in this instance expresses the French point of view, tlie view of Clemenceau and Foch, of whom Secretary Hoover is so great an admirer.
Clemenceau pOSition is well known; he would strangle Soviet Russia if he could. The resent militaristic and reactionary government of ranoe takes the position of the relentless creditor who insists upon his pound of flesh; in order to collect the eight billions of old Ciarist debts from Russia, she has spent billions of old and thousands of human lives in warring on oviet Russia. Mr. Hoover would strangle Russia by keeping the blockade around her. Mr. Hughes, like the English, is inclined to negotiate. But not having a formidable labor movement to force him to negotiate, he is in no hurry. He practically says to the Russians: First change your form of government and we ll do business With you.
In this connection, Mr. Hu hes seems to accept Mr. Hoover point of view fiat the question of trade With Russia is more political than economic.
He. can do so because the laboring peo le of the United States to whom the question of rade with Russia is one of life and death, are so badly orgamzed economically and political that they have not a show. with the government. Timothy Healy, reeldent of the American Labor Alliance for Tra e Relations with Russia sent the follow telegram on March 23rd to President Harding an Secretary Hughes. In behalf of the 2, 500, 000 organized workers who indorsed our program the immediate resumption of trade with Russia we call upon you to give careful consideration to the message addressed to you by the Russian Soviet Government in which it proposes to send a delegation to the United States to negotiate a trade agreement. Unemployment in the United States is constantly increasing, and we believe that the resumption of trade with Russia will supply work to a large percentage of the approximately 5, 000, 000 American unemployed workers. We hope that your administration will not follow the policy of the last administration which in terfered with the politics of a. foreign country; but will look after the interests of the American people.
Yet the note of Secretary Hughes to Russia does not bear any evidence of any consideration of the demand of the 2, 500, 000 organized workers. And whyl The answer is that the refusal to consider Russia pro osal for opening of trade is part of the plan of e Capitalist Class in America to crush American Labor. is part of the deflation process by which American farmers were made to acce a loss on agricultural products of five billion do Iars last year; it is part of the open sho drive, which already resulted in throwing five ion men out of work, and bringing the standard of living down 30 per cent for those who still hold jobs.
The Capitalist Class, powerfully organized, intrenched at Washin 11, does not care anything about the politics of oviet Russia. What it is after is to improve labor morale in America, to have