10 THE WORK ERS COUNCIL APRIL 1, 1921. and the Third International, decided at least. in part in favor of the reformist leaders and against the Communist International. The fact tiiat the workers who stand behind Serrati are ﬁrmly convinced that they have nevertheless remained true to the Communist International, is a proof of the ravity of the centrist danger in the internatmnal abor movement.
The poison of the centrist idea has eaten deeply into the body of the working class. Only the future development of the world revolution can be the means of driving out this poison. It cannot be overcome by means of theory and propaganda. It can be overcome only by the struggle that shall ﬁll the masses with the determination and the conviction that hesitation at the decisive moment means death. But the realization that the centrist spirit can be overcome only with and by the world revolution does not mean that the Communist International must adopt this spirit so that the revolution may proceed to overcome it. It is self evident that wherever within its organism the centrist puison has found a place the diseased members must be removed, so that they may not be the cause of infecting the entire body.
The Communist International is the revolution: an advance guard of the proletariat. And the. more conscious it is of the fact that it must maintain the closest contact with the mass of the workers while that mass is slowly developing, the more careful must it be to maintain in its ranks, in the ranks of this advance guard a calm sure consciousness of aim and direction. Ceratinly, whoever deSIres to lead the masses into a revolutionary struggle must be in close contact with them. He must not desire to determine the direction of their spontaneous movement. This the Communist International has never done. It adopts its aims on the basis of its understanding of the tendencies in the development of the world revolution. To adhere to the aims of the Communist International does not mean to ad vance one own aims in a doctrinaire fashionto the working class; it means rather thainking in the present day of the working class in terms of its morrow, it means looking out beyond the meanderings of the road and keeping the goal in Sight.
It means forming a ﬁrm, solid advance guard in the movement of the revolutionary masses who are still uncertain of step, still fearing the consequences involved in their struggle, still going through a period of development, and with the aid of this advance guard urging the masses ever onward and leading them to victory. This situation implies the necessity not only of maintaining connections With the still hesitating masses, but also. the duty of carrying on a merciless struggle against all their illusions, all their hesitation, and above all against the ideologies of the Center, Its leaders and its organizations. The relation of the Communist International to the International must therefore be above all a relation of open hostility.
The more relentlessly, the more thoi oughly we combat the lying the stalling, the hESItation and the vascillation of the 21. International, the more ﬁrmly shall we close our ranks and the more strongI shall we make our inﬂuence felt among the masses at stand back of the International. With these masses we shall cooperate wherever they appear in the great struggle. With their readers we shall fight relentlessly wherever and whenever they are misleading the masses, wherever and whenever they fail the masses in the ﬁght.
The history of the Right International of Ger.
many after the split in Halle has shown how much and how rapidly they swing still further toward the right, when once they have lost the ballast. of the revolutionary workers. This self revelation of the centrist elements will hasten the victory of the lommiinist International. The 21. International is a product of the revolutionary process through which the entire world is passing, But it is not a product in which the creative spirit of the world revolution expresses itself. It is a decoctus historiae, a waste product of the world revolution. Hence the 21. International is destined to be washed away by the stream of the world revolution as soon as that mighty current gains greater impetus. Until that time we must combatit as a burdensome tradition which retards the awakening of the workers to the consciousness of the revolutionary struggle.
ACCEPTING THE THIRD Committee on the Third International, of the Socialist Party of America.
Right now the advanced section of the world workers are being called upon everywhere to decide whether they are for or against the revolution, whether they favor the change from, capitalism to Socialism not only in theory but in practice.
This condition applies to the United States as well as other countries. The answer determines whether you are with the Third International of world labor or against it, for the revolution or against it, for the dawn of Socialism or against it. Stripped of all verbiage, that is the situation as It. appears to us and it is because the Third International points the way, the only way to the Socialist era that we are for it, that we feel the Socialist Party ought to affiliate with it. It is in this spirit also that a group of comrades have organized into the Committee. of the Third International within the party, their op. iu ion being that the actual processes of dismtezration that our party is going through can onl be arrested by the party adopting as guidance or its action the principles enunciated by the Third International.
We favor affiliation without reservations With the Third International. The announced twenty one articles of affiliation are not in our opinion a bin drance toward affiliation. All discussions as to the applicability in the United States at the present time of certain principles or tactics proposed by the Third International should be carried on Within the International not from without. The party should and must if it would survive as a revolutionary working class organization give its wholehearted support to the Third International and must arrange its organizatoin and propaganda accordingly. Let party members interested in the work of the Committee communicate With the Secretary, fourteen hundred North Kedzie Avenue, Chicago, Illinois. Louis Enonam, Chicago, Ill.
STEVEN Bmom, Newark, APRIL 1, 1921.
THE WORKERS COUNCIL ll Press Review The two liberal weeklies, the Nation and the New Republic, express scornful amazement at the respectful manner with which President Harding inaugural taradiddle was treated at home and abroad. After citing the rapturous encomiums of Republican Senators the Nations says: Our metropolitan press, too, long accustomed to meaningless words, treats the inaugural with greatest respect. even the World doubting politely each one interpreting Mr. Harding phrases about world of fairs to its oivn tastes and desires. At the risk of our lives we set down our pious wish that no one will laugh, for if any man should begin to laugh aloud the country would rock. We wonder what our liberal friends expected the capitalist senators and the capitalist press to say about the inaugural of the politic a1 head of the capitalist state? If Mr.
Harding had stood up in front of the Capitol and merely remarked Eeny, meeny, miny mo. omitting the next line in deference to his southern constituents. the capitalist senators could have done no less than cried Magnificent! and the capitalist press would be bound to extol his wisdom. But we think the liberal brethren have not been exactly fair to Mr. Harding. It is true that he probably is not accustomed to think very deeply, or even very much.
It is true that he uses our language with the awkwardness of a Zulu chieftain trying to eat with a fork. But these are not substantial matters. lVere President Harding a Machiavelli for wisdom and the subtlest of stylists, in his present position he could not be substantially different from the transformed small town editor from Ohio. The forces that placed him in office would be the same, and he could represent nothing else. Merely he might be more successfully hypocritical. i ht years ago his predecessor, representing substantially the same forces, was inducted into office and spoke his stage piece. Then as now the groundlings gaped their approval. No sane person today would maintain that Mr. Wilson reﬁned phrases. his alluring generalities, had any relation to reality. Yet the ation was almost hysterical in its praise of his inaugural, its transparent sincerity, its clear and sagacious intelligence, its promise of a new day.
Had the New Republic been born at that time it would doubtless have vied with the Nation in laudation. But the difference between a Wilson and a Harding is only a matter of phrasenlogy. As we read the Nation adoration of the Wilson rhetoric we registered our pious wish that no one would laugh. It is perfectly obvious, says the London New Statesman, that without the consent of American ﬁnance (rather than American diplomacy. no indemnity agreement can he made to work. American ﬁnance holds the whip hand over all Europe witness only the applications, foreshadowed or actual, for loans in the current year from more than half asant proprietary which froms the bulk of the ussian nation is unconverted. This is true; but if Socialism is to wait until farmers become classconscimis Marxists, it will wait forever. The hourgeoisie did not wait for the approval of the farmers the states of Europe. Not the Capitol but Wall Street can wreck the treaty and the League if it wishes to. This parallels the recent uterance of Signor Rica, the new Italian ambassador, said to be something of a corporation lawyer in his own country. Having looked over the ground, after his arrival, he remarked with refreshing frankness. see already that for some years at least the relationsthat representatives of European powers will have With American bankers and manufacturers and exporters will be of far greater importance than thosethh officials of the government. It is interesting that well informed Europeans know where the power lies here, even though the mass of the American people, and particularly the so called leaders of organized labor, are ignorant of it. To control the industry of a nation is to control the life pf its people. The political state is merely an ad unct of that control. How do the master minds ofthe of think the workers can have anything to say about the conduct of the country or the conduct of their own lives as long as a litle group pf bankers are permitted to be the czars of industry?
In the New Republic, Sidney Howard has been running a series of illuminating articles entitled The Labor Spy. The editors in an introduction to the series explained that in gathering his material Mr. Howard talked with certain of officers who denied that industrial espionage exists.
Samuel Gomners thereupon wrote a letter to the publication denying the deniers. He declared it inconceivable that any officer of his organization had made such a statement to Mr. Howard, and he doubted if Mr. Howard could mention the name of one. To this the New Republic has come back editorially as follows: We can furnish Mr. Gomper with an affidavit showing that on several occasrons, local and national the of officials denied all knowledge of espionage to Mr, Howard.
We are also prepared to supply him with information showing with reasonable certainly that. in one large industrial city, a visit paid by Mr. Howard and Mr. Dunn to the Federation was reported to a detective agency by one of the union officials with whom they talked. It would now seem up to Mr.
Gompers to demand the affidavits forthwith and make public the names of these precious representatives of labor. If the head of the of does not give them short shrift, he will simply be demonstrating anew his tenderness towards the labor fakers in his organization. George Bernard Shaw, one of the few British writers who preserved their sanity throughout the war, in an article in the London Nation. neatly strips the rags of respectability from anman, leader of the British social patriots. It is Hyndman attitude towards Russia that Shaw goes after, and he marvels that since Russia has brought to reality what Hyndman has been preaching for many years, Hyndman can so vigorously attack the Soviet Government. If, as Mr. Hyndman contends, Bolshevism is not real Marxism, but a murderous imposture, what does he think the real thing Will be like? asks Shaw. He then continues: If one may infer his answer from his indictment of Bolshev15m, he relies on the fact that the colossal