Saturday, February 15, 1919 THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE was on a action, but a a betrayal lieve, votes: ness locals of the turning to in the great struggle laying the report of the talism exists, the workers will suffer. Capitalism must and Socialists accepting cabinet portfolios in bour 1915, and the Kienthal Conference in 1916, and of be overthrown; the workers must organize their own geois governments are a means to an end, that they are those groups that are in agreement with them to day, state of the producers in the shops; they must take a part of Socialist political action. They are not the Manifesto seriously compromises its left wing atpossession of the shops, of all industry. Constructive reforms and Cabinet portfolios are titude and its international policy. The Zimmerwald Capitalism is in a revolutionary stage. Capitalism the finest expression of moderate Socialism, of its Conference was a centre conference, dominated by is shaking. Capitalism cannot exist much longer. perversion of political action, of its policy of gradu Karl Kautsky and the he Independent Socialists of Ger Every strike must be a small revolution, organizing, ally transforming Capitalism into Socialism many, the left being compelled to withdraw and issue educating and disciplining the workers for the final of legislative reforms and co operation of a declaration of its the Kienthal Conference revolutionary struggle.
classes. Constructive reforms and Cabinet port a similar character The folios are not Socialist political in an International harboring the IndepenSpartacans would not Turn to the Left! of political action: real Socialist political action trics dents. Our international policy must be that only the to arouse that revolutionary mass action of the prole Communist Party of Russia and the Communist LaHE American Socialist Party is in a condition tariat which alone can conquer Capitalism and estab bor Party of Germany TI the right to call an interof feverish theoretical activity. Pressing prob lish the dictatorship of the proletariat. But. we be national Socialist Congress, that we shall participate lems are being met in a spirit of self criticism. this is precisely the idea of the New York Com only in an international in which participate these two New forms of action in the social struggle are being rades, since the implication of their unfortunate forin groups, that the New International must be an unaccepted. Old methods, old tactics old ideas, which ulation is directly contradictory to other parts of their compromising, aggressive, clear expression of revoin the test of the war have proven incapable of fur manifesto lutionary Socialism.
thering the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat, But this unfortunate formulation, or misunder There are other criticisms that might be made, such are being seriously analyzed and repudiated. standing, persists. In another part the Manifesto as that the Manifesto should definitely repudiate the The membership of the Socialist Party, the major says: We contend that such political action is a valu Labor Party: its whole tendency is against a Labor ity, is instinctively class conscious and revolutionary. able means of propaganda and further, that the cap Party, but the repudiation should be explicit.
It was this membership that compelled our officials ture of legislative seats is an effective means of cap; Our problems are great problems, and only by to acquiesce in the adoption of a radical declaration turing the political state, but and here is the vital mutual criticism, by self criticism, can we point for the moderate Socialist goes no further against the war which most of the officials sabotaged conquer.
The party is in a state of transition, the left wing itthere is a pacifism. When the Bolsheviki conquered, the major a great task of and clarification ahead, in merely for the purpose of destroying it. Oureitai education andelen in which all should ity of our participate. The Manifesto gives too many indications the Bolsheviki ate Marchistosos Cal had stigmatized The political state is not captured any conception they forced the hands of the officials, who it is overthrown by means of revolutionary mised with each other; the American left must have clear theory and an uncompromising policy. Theory becarne me too Bolsheviki, but who did not draw revolutionary proletariat. The parliamentary struge is itself a social force; and our theory must be in complete accord with Marxism and the proletarian revoThese officials and their machinery baffled the will of agitational; its chief purpose is and can says elsewhere, is be the membership; more, the membership baſed itself development of the revolutionary consciousness and developments of life itself. Then we shall conquere mass action of the proletariat, which can seize power the practice implied in its instinctive class consciousand revolutionary spirit.
the state of Soviets, of the organized producers, funcBolshevikjabs While our accepts the Berne Congress and tioning temporarily as a dictatorship of the prole MR. HUNTINGTON, who has been a commercial refuses to call an emergency National Convention, tariat.
attache in Russia, a kind of advance booking party are actively engaged The Manifesto further says that the Socialist bal agent for Capitalism, is giving some very interesting to the left, to revolutionary Social lot must be supported by the might of the industrial information to the Senatorial Committee which is, ism. Groups within the party are organizing and organization of the working class. This is or at any rate thinks it is, investigating Bolshevism.
issuing proclamations, determined that the party shall emphasis on political action, while the creative revoWe cull the following from the New York Times conquer the party for revolutionary Socialism. Two lutionary action lies in the industrial and revolutionof these proclamations were published in the last the proceedings: ary mass ation of the proletariat. The Manifesto In answer to a question as to whether or not acissue of The Revolutionary Age. They deserve seri cepts De Leon formulation of this vital tactical a report were true that several Russian Grand Dukes ous consideration and discussion.
problem; but the impachary Socialism in Russia and had been thrown into a well and then bombarded with The manifesto of the Communist Propaganda ir. Germany has hand grenades by Russian Red Guards, Dr. HuntingLeague of Chicago is a concise document. Its criticconquest of the power ton said that he understood the report was correct.
He said that his information came from an American the state is not a parliamentary act, but an açt of ism of the party is summarized: the party proceeds revlutionary seizure through proletarian mass actron business inan of standing who was in the town at for a party of revolution. that its programs and plat breaking loose in a revolutionary crisis. is the the time of the slaughter. The bodies were afterward forms have been reformist and petty bourgeois in task of the political party of Socialism to prepare are the recovered.
character, instead the the hand grenades were part of the commerce the soul of social revolution, the party has failed to oletariat for action in this crisis. This conception of industrial organization to another statement to which Dr. Huntington was attached it is no wonder achieve unity with the revolutionary movement on of the Manifesto: Only organization that this mission was unsuccessful and we would like the industrial field. Its proposals for democratizing this to say that he should not be blamed for the failure Sorbonis ans, we presume, revolutionary industrial as even the most ignorant and primitive people disit repudiates the old International and the Berne Con within the shell of the old.
Acceptance of like buying bum goods twice. Identification of the Socialist Party this formualtion depends upon whether with class conscious industrial unionism; unityine dion accepted by the Socialist Labor Party, is that dotrinaire industrial union cen concepWhile the investigation is going on and as there all kinds Part of the topical nary of secms to be a difficulty in locating the Bolshevik struggle; political when the whole working class, or an overwhelming money that has come into this country we would like tion to strikes and demonstrations, majority, is to respectfully suggest that the committee cast an and to be in cooperation with industrial mass seize industry and establish the industrial state. But inquiring, eye on the prohibitionists.
no compromising with this is any groups not in action Tom Mooney case, Frank Little murder, the committed to the revolutionary struggle, such Labor parties, People Council, Non Partisan tariat; all that industrial unionism not allow this an. The conditions of Capitalism gigantic organization of the prole Bisbee deportations, the reduction of wages, the inLeagues, Municipal Ownership Leagues, and the to organize the working class partially into allow into industrial cold, but prohibition is precipitating a labor revolt.
like. The too abstract a centre around which grim spectre of a tion; but it is a clear expression of the left tendency. might unite, to develop the of the industrial the Urys. We should remember that these BolsheThe manifesto published in our last issue under state; but you can build the new society only under viki are a desperate band and will turn to anything the caption Manifesto and Program of the Left the shield of the dictatorship of the proletariat; only to accomplish their fell purpose. While we have been Wing of the American Socialist Movement was when the working class has seized the state power, keeping strict watch on ferocious, dirty looking, wild formulated and adopted by a group of comrades in and organized its new, transitional state, can the ideal eyed, long haired foreigners, is it not quite possible New York City, a group started by a of industrial unionism constructing the new communthat the sanctimonious looking gentlemen in the plug gates from a general meeting of the Central Com ist society be realized.
hats and shabby Alberts are the real agents of the Bolsheviki?
mittees of the Greater New York Locals, after the The Manifesto accepts proletarian dictatorship, but meeting refused to discipline the Socialist Alder does not emphasize or clearly express its functions men who are betraying Socialism and the party. It and its character. Its conception of the function of The indignation of the committee on learning that is a comprehensive document, and its tendency is that the industrial organization clearly indicates its the Bolsheviki are not in favor of the freedom of of revolutionary Socialism. But in many of its form lack of understanding. Moreover, the Manifesto does the press is really heroic. Wait till it discovers Burleulations it is unfortunate and hasty, giving the im not mention the necessity of revolutionary mass acson existence!
pression of not clearly understanding the problems tion (although it is implied. that mass action which under consideration.
is the basis of the new Socialist tactics, of the proleNow that deportations are becoming fashionable We shall riot discuss minor points, such as includ tarian dictatorship. In this the Manifesto is contra we hope that Congress will see the urgent necessity ing the Socialist Party of Italy among the partiet dictory: in one place it says the state will be captured of speeding up the building of transports.
whose official press. suddenly reversed its po by the capture of legislative seats. in another place it sition and called for resistance to the invader the says: revolutionary Socialists do not propose to wait We have come to the conclusion that this is a Italian Party has always been against war, Socialist and it is a Bolshevik party.
until the vast majority of the people vote them into foreign country. The strikers in Seattle are foreignpower. That is the policy of revolutionary Socialism, ers, the Butte miners are foreigners, the Patterson There are more serious things. The moderate, but this formulation is contradicted by other portions weavers are foreigners, the Lawrence workers are parliamentary Socialists, says this Manifesto, lost of the Manifesto, by other interpretations of political foreigners, the New York and Philadelphia clothing sight of Socialism original purpose; their goal be acion. It must necessarily imply the acceptance of workers are foreigners. in fact all the 100 per centers came two fold constructive reforms and Cabinet revolutionary mass ation as the means for the con seem to have died of the flue.
portfolios, of the means to an end they made an end quest power by the proletariat The compositor says: All but Indians are in itself.
In its demand that the Socialist Party of America foreigners.
This is either an unfortunate formulation, or a issue a call for an international congress of those complete misunderstanding of revolutionary political groups of the Socialist movement that participated Is Japan threatened war on China going to be action. The implication is that constructive reforms both in the Zimmerwald Conference in September, the last war?
tion, and emphasizes that the poin De Leon concepAnd of being definitely If toward leads to them conomic new it is relative class acinclude political organized clearly, such as do action The ideology