member 27, 1918 REVOLUTIONARY AG! and makes the struggle more im9 By this agreement, the Provisional Governnent technically makes itself subject to the Coun:il, but it is still the government, there is still a democratic government of all the classes, and not a revolutionary government of the proletariat.
Nor does the agreement necessarily mean that the Council will no control the government, since the moderate policy of the Councils may square with the govemment and the two come to an understanding. The agreement is humiliating; but it is not fatal to the Provisional Government not fatal, that is to say, except as it accelerates the development of antagonism and the determination of the masses to end all compromise by placing power in the Councils and the dictatorship of the proletariat.
By this agreement, the Council may advise the government, is err equal with the government, but it is not the government. The acceptance of advisory functions that is what the agreement actually means is not an act of revolutionary energy, it is an act of stulh fication, a paltering with the problems of the Revolution. The policy of the Provisional Government is clearly not satisfactory to the revolutionary inseam, it is a rich icy that evades the problems of the Revolution and would promote a counter revolution. But the policy of agreemen of hesitation and compromise will prove equally unsatisfactory to the revolutionary masses unless they surrender.
Division of power promotes either revolution or counter revolution; it cannot prevail. It cannot prevent the proletarlan revolution; but it can multiply the time and the intensity of the struggle. Division of power, since it means neither power to the bourgeoisie nor to the proletariat, must necessarily mark time, evade all real action, prove incapable of creative accomphshmerits. Division of power in Russia made the revolutionary path a thorny one and increased the demoralization of the country, complicating enormously the task of Socialist reconstruction.
This is equally the tendency in. Germany, softened by the fact that the revolutionary explosion may break out much more speedily than in Russia.
Division of power and the Revolution insisting upon immediate, creative, drastic. action.
Division of power and Germany wavering be tween mercy from the Allies and revolutionary co operation with Soviet Russia. Division of power and the international proletarian revolution now depending upon the conquest of power by the revolutionary proletariat in Germany.
Division of power and the problems of reconstruction requiring a dictatorship of the Socialist proletariat Division of power and the forces of the oncoming proletarian revolution preparing to annihilate compromise and the representatives of compromise.
But revolutionary Socialism in the Councils is acquiring ascendancy at a positively feverish speed. The Spartacus Socialists are compelling the moderates to make concession after concession to avert disaster but disaster will come. The government of the People Commissaires is now an executive organ of the Councils, but neither Karl Liebknecht nor Rosa Luxemng are in its personnel. Why? Because they would not accept positions in any but a government of the Councils e revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat. The opposition of the revolutionary Socialists to a Constituent Assembly is not consequent upon the desire to establish certain petty reforms that the Assembly Will then be compelled to ratify, as the press reports; but because a Constituent Assembly is the organ of the bourgeois revolution, not of the proletarian revolution; not the Constituent Assembly, but revolutionary mass action is the order of the day; the Constituent Assembly is the negation of the dictatorship of the proletariat. th ho And Scheidemann, lackey o e urgeois e, moans in the Berlin Vorwaerts that the insecurlty of the government is due to the undisturbed activity of the Spartacus Group, who in their press and meetings are endeavormg to win over the Soldiers to Bolshevrsm. th stru The agreement is a consequence o e ggle for state power, and is a compromise. But it is a compromise indicating that the centre of power is shifting to the left, to the Councils and revolutionary Socialism. The problem of power will flare up decisively in a final implacable struggle and all power to the dictatorship of the proletarian and revolutionary Socialism. The proletarian revolution in Germany will conquer on the day it decrees all power to the Councils of Workmen the norms of the communist repubhc of O Bolshevrlqabs ONE never knows what those Bolsheviki will do next. Finding their imperiahmasters in Germany have been ovu thrown they immediately get jobs with the German revolutionists. Or can it be that the our bourgeois press was wrong in the first place and that Lenin and Trotsky were not the agents of Imperialism after all?
We live in an age of progress. In other times the common people knew nothing about peace, or genes conferences, until the whole alfair was denitely settled. Now things are different, secret diplomacy is an afi air of the past the cards of imperialistic ambition are laid on the international table. Everyone who can read a newspaper has access to all the details, the relative values of the diflenent places the conference might take place are publicly discussed, photos of the various buildingsmentioned are openly ublished so that the common people may deci e for themselves whether the momentous proceedings shall take place beneath the vaulted arches of medieval architecture or within the less impressive halls of the mid Victorian period, the approximate date of the sittings is common knowledge. even the probable personnel of each country delegation is openly forecasted and homes have already been broken up over the relative merits of Teddy Roosevelt and Billy Sunday as pacifists.
Yes, secrecy has fled from the realms of international politics.
Some impossible persons are clamouring to have the peace delegates elected by referendum vote, but of course that isiinpracticable. Anyway to read the papers discuss the probable appointees isalmostasgoodasanelection.
How are the mighty fallen Taft has been asked to direct baseball.
Mr. Lloyd George has again displayed that deep insight into the affairs of men that has so often marked his public utterances. He declares that the Irish question must be settled; he is not quite clear just how, but he is certain of two ways it must not be settled neither the complete independence of Ireland nor the coercion of Ulster under any form of Home Rule government is to be considered for a moment. Now the whole affair is made clear.
The Soviet form of government would be quite agreeable to many Irish rebels we know of.
The Bolsheviki have at last pulled OE the slaughter of the innocents and on St. Bartholomew Day. Russian calendar. Isn that just like them, and so appropriate too? Such a delicate compliment to the French. 2, 050 Germans are in imminent danger of death in Moscow says a newspaper dispatch dealing with the massacre. This would, of course, strenghten the reports that the Bolshevik leaders are all pro German.
The New York Evening Telegram has discovered that the German Socialists are plotting to bring the Kaiser back to the Imperial Throne of Germany. Warned by Lord Reading, Sir George Cave and others it says that the Hun has shown no change of heart and mystified by the sudden flares of Bolshevism in Germany Iondon opinion finds nothing extravagant in the suggestion that the Sociallst Reds are providing a handy tool for projects cherished before the armistice was signed.
So that why the Kaiser put Liebknecht in jail!
Some of our capitalist contemporaries seem to be in doubt as to who this Herr Spartacus really is. In order to prevent them from jumping to the conclusion that he is the Kaiser incognito we hasten to explain.
Herr Spartacus is a cousin to the Mr. Bolsheviki who made so much trouble in Russia. The relationship is a double one, their mothers the Misses Social Revolution were sisters, but there is also a blood tie on the paternal side. The elder Miss Social Revolution married Russian Workingclass, while German Workingclass became enamoured of the younger. The Working class are a well known family and for some years showed signs of becoming very closely united, but a little trouble developed in an equally well known household called and the Workingclass split as a result. err Spartacus and Mr. Bolsheviki have, however. reestablished amicable relations and it looks as if the entire Work lWrd. family would shortly be in complete ac. co The Spartacus Group In the first issue of The Revolutions Age. in our editorialf Az the Kcraiaky Stage. ye declared that the Social Democratic Party of Scheidernsnn Co. wss not definitely, uncompromisingly revolu musty, party, and that the revolutionary Socialists were represented by the Spartacus Group and the Group lntcmanonalc. the movement of Karl Liebnecht, Otto Ruble, Rosa Luxunburg and Franz Itching.
the conscious uncompromising Bolshevilrl of Germany, representing the tendency of the revolutionary oletamt. These Socialists are in isvor o the government of Councils, and have unreservedly and enthusiastically greeted the Russian Soviet Republic.
When that was written not a word had appeared in the news concerning the Spartacus Group and its policy.
But the news is now justii our analytic, showing that the Spartacus Group Is e centre of the actual revolutionary movauent in Germany. We reprint belowthextfiacts 1first. spcual able etch, appenrmg in e cw or Times of Novem concerning the Spartacus Group. 24, IN one large room, from the silk hangings of whose wall a life size portrait of von Bulow smiled benevolently down on them, eat the delegates from the Soldiers and Workmen Council waiting for admission to the Cabinet meetings. at which they were to stand up for what they deemed their supreme authority.
In another room was introduced to Geheimrath von Siemen, who made it quite clear that, although he had previously been attached to Prince Max of Baden stafl. he had the greatest confidence in Ebert and his associates, and declared his convxction that only a strong Socialist Government could safely guide the destinies of the German nation through the present crisis. He said that they feared no reactionary plot by the Kaiser friends, for nobody believed in the resuscitation of a deceased body politic.
The only danger, he added, was that the present Government might go a bit too far in its toleration of such irresponsibles as the Spartacus Group.
This toleration was dictated by the Cabinet earnest desire to maintain unity, order and law, he asserted, so as not to forfeit the good will of Presrdent Wilson, of which the German nation was so pitiably in need at present. am informedfrom other sources that the Spartacus Group is really at the bottom of the present differences between the People Commissioners Ebert, Haasefit 00. and the Executive Commrttee of the Soldier and Workmen Council. Although the latter has expressed itself repeatedly in favor of a national convention, it seems thatmembers of the Spartacus Group have persuaded it to protest against an early date for the election, which it was said that the People Commissioners had decided on without first consulting the Executive Committee of the Council.
Hence. the latter assertion that the People Commissioners form only its executive organ: since also this official communication issued toy. The information published Nov. 17 that registration for the election of a national convention would begin Jan. and that the election would take place Feb. is incorrect, no proposition of that kind having yet been decided upon by the Commissioners.
What the Spartacus Group and certain elements of the Soldiers and Workmen Council are planning is to delay the national convention until certain radical measures of finance and equally radical assessments of taxes and socializing of certain large industrial enterprises have been accomplished in such a manner that not even the national convention will dare reconsider them.
Drastic reform in the inheritance tax as well as restrictions of land ownership are also planned.
All these measures, if perhaps in a more moderate form, are also part of the program of the regular Socialists, but they are willing to submit it to a national convention, trusting that they will elect a majority. The bourgeois parties fear that the Soldiers and Workmen Council, aided by the Spartacus and similar groups, will succeed in wresting the supreme power from the People Commissioners and that the next few days will see a change in the Government unless the Commissioners alter their extremely tolerant attitude. It is more than doubtful that even in Berlin and a few other large cities the Spartacus and kindred elements possess anything like a majority.