. Wm. ivember 16. 1918 THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE he Revolutionary Age Chronicle and Interpretation of Events in Europe.
015 Fauna. Editor ADMONN MACALPINE. Associate Editor Contributing Editor. Luowro Lona SEN Karavaua Warusrem Sco Neurxc ions Reno HOURWICH Issued Every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday 885 Washington St, Boston, Mass.
Saturday, November 16, 1918 THE WAR AGAINST RUSSIA The Soviet Commissaire of Foreign Affairs Tchi cherin on October 24 sent a note to resident Wilson saying. As a condition of the armistice, during which peace negotiations shall be begun, you in your note to Germany demanded evacuation of occupied territories. e are ready, Mr. President, to conclude an armistice on this condition, and request you to inform us when you intend to withdraw your troops from Murman, Archangel and Siberia.
There has been absolutely no official answer to this request. The newspapers have jeered Tchicherin as cheeky, while proposing an invasion of Russia by way of Constantinople and the Black Sea.
The Boston American, in its issue of November 14 published a Washington dispatch which declared among other things. It can be stated authoritatively that American troops now in Russia, both in Siberia and in the Archangel territory, will remain for an indefinite period.
In addition, as soon as conditions in Germany make certain the release of thousands of troops, the expedition in Russia will be reinforced. It will be the intention of the Allied governments and the United States to win Russia back to her senses through symipathy and not further bloodshed.
Sympathy, and not further bloodshed? Then why keep the tr00ps in Russia, and reinforce them? Bullets are peculiar agents of sympathy.
Withdraw from Russia!
AT THE KERENSKY STAGE The German revolution is marching swiftly on its way, much more swiftly than the proletarian revolution in Russia. But, while compressed into a shorter period of time, its stages are paralleling the Russian revolution.
When. about five weeks ago, the revolutionary crisis developed definitely into revolutionary action, the German bourgeoisie attempted to prevent a collapse of its rule by calling upon the Kaiser to abdicate, and by placing in the cabinet Scheidemann and two other Socialists rt his traitorous type. Instead of averting revolution. this action simply hastened the revolution. which rushed onward with a speed positively feverish.
The bourgeois Socialist coalition government was intended to halt the onward march of the proletarian revolution precisely the purpose of the bourgeois Socialist coalition government organized in Russia on May 19, 1917. Government :oalition between the bourgeoisie and the moderibe Socialists everywhere is used by a desperate ourgeoisie to deceive the militant proletariat. France, England, Russia, and now in Germany.
to awakening proletariat, at first, does not. dis;guish between moderate, government Soc sm and revolutionary Socialism; but the imEable logic of the devnoping class struggle compels tine proletariat to distinguish bet1 the real and the false.
e bourgeois Socialist coalition government,. ined by Imperial Chancellor Max. was shatinto bits by the impact of revolutionary It could not reconcile the Revolution lze bourgeois government, nor the bourgeois rnent with the Revolution. Thg proletariat :ot be cppcased by giving Scheidemnan a honor in the governmentcthe same nent which had ruthlessly oppressed the int and waged an infamous war of con e same Scheidemann who had mobilized im and rkere in mmrt of the tent.
This government, the bastard product of an illegitimate union of Capitalism and Socialism could not secure the confidence of the masses.
The revolts of the masses, instead of being ended, were multiplied, and the bourgeois Socialist government collapsed. The new government, with Ebert as Chancellor, appointed by grace of Imperial Chancellor Max, now marched upon the stage of events.
What is this Ebert government? Ebert is a moderate Socialist of the Scheidemann persuasion, an influential member of the Social Democratic Party. The Social Democratic Party during four and one half years of war supported the government. and the war, declared that the proletariat owed a duty to the state, and was consistently counter revolutionary, acting equally against the oncoming proletarian revolution in Germany and the accomplished proletarian revolution in Russia. In tendency, and as an historical category, the Ebert government corresponds to the Kerensky Socialist government in Russia.
The Kerensky government was a Socialist government, but it retained the fundamental bourgeois relations of government, of industry.
and of society. Socialist government, the Kerensky government played the miserable farce of unity of all the parties, but excluding the revolutionary proletariat. The Kerensky government was a Socialist government, yet it acted against Socialism and the revolutionary prole tariat. The Ebert government represents the identical tendency.
The Kerensky government marked the final desperate maneuvres of the Russian bourgeoisie to retain its supremacy by using the camouflage of Socialism. 11: marked a period of transition, when the final forces of the class struggle prepared for action. It was impotent to act, deprived of all real power. The most. important feature of the Kerensky period was the decision to convoke an All Russian CongreSs of Soviets, which when it convened decreed all power to the Soviets.
In Germany, the Kerensky Ebert government occupies the stage of events, but the actual destiny of the Revolution is being determined by the organization and policy of the Councils of Workmen and Soldiers, the instrument of the revolutionary masses. The division is now clearly apparent, as in Russia, the moderates demand support of the Provisional Government and the Constituent Assembly, while the radicals demand all power to the Councils. It is this division and the struggle it provokes that will determine the course of events.
The revolution in Germany, as in Russia, was made by the revolutionary mass action of the soldiers and workers, snapping asunder the fetters of authority! and dragging Kaiserism down in ruins. The instrument of action of the revolutionary masses is the Council, of Vl orkers, of Soldiers. of Pens ants. These Councils are necessarily determined in a struggle for an economic and social revolution, while the provisional gov ernment wants to tinker with political forms.
The moderates are united in favor of the Con. ltuent ssembly, the radicals are uniting in iavor of the immediate convocation of a National Congress of Councils.
There is no revolution unless it is a mass revolution; not simply in the sense that the masses make the revolution, but in the sense that the masses definitely march up on the stage of administrative events, consciously become the government. This can be accomplished only by the German Councils of Workmen and Soldiers being transformed from instruments of revolutionary action into organs of revolutionary government.
Bourgeois democracy has been conquered in Germany: the capitalists and the parliamentary republic are in power. Should the revolution cease now, it will have proven a failure, since the revolution will be a success only if it establishes a Socialist Republic by overthrowing the bourgeois purlinmcntary forms of government and erecting the new Socialist state of the organized producers a government of the Councils.
The Revolution will conquer by means of the economic and social revolutionary tendency of the masses conquering all power for the proleat, and annihilating the dominantly political tendency of the bourgeois liberals and the pett bourgeois Socialists.
Three groups are clearly apparent in the revolutionary movement in Germany: The Social Democratic Party, the party of Ebert, Scheidemann Co. This party is petty bourgeois in tendency and policy. aspiring simply after bourgeois democracy. At its Wuertzburg Convention last year, Scheidemann expressed the policy of the party by declaring that, in spite of all conflicts with the bourgeois state, the proletariat in bound to it, and that the coming of Socialism is a process of all the classes and not of the proletariat alone. This group represents petty bourgeois democracy, and is counter revolutionary. The Independent Socialist Party, the party of Haase, Ledebonr Co. This party, organized in the spring of 1917, represents a secession from the Social Democratic Party on the issue of support of the government and the war. It is not a definitely, uncompromisingly revolutionary party in tendency, being still dominated by the ideology ofvthe older Socialism. But it is not a.
unified party; it. may develop a more revolutionary policy under the pressure of events, or, more likely, it. may split, one faction going over to Ebert Co. the other faction going over to the revolutionary Socialists. The revolutionary Socialists, not, until recently at least, organized into a political party, but represented by the Spartacus Group and the Group Internationale, the movement of Karl, Lieb knecht, Otto Ruble, Rosa Luxemburg and Franz Mehring. the conscious, uncompromising Bolsheviki of Germany. These groups represent the tendency of the revolutionary proletariat. Their propaganda was a propaganda of SocialRevolution Three weeks ago, while Independent Socialist in the Reichstag talked of defence against the z. cessive demands of Poland, Ruble declared. Only Social Revolution can settle these problems of peace. Ihese Socialists an in favor of the government of Councils, and hue unreservudly and enthusiastically greeted the Russian Soviet Republic.
Germany is at. the Kerensky stage, but much more acutely developed. The Revolution in Germany, said Lenin one year and a half ago, will be slow, very slow in starting; but once it starts.
it will march on with the speed of a locomotive.
In two weeks, the Germans secured what it took the Russians two months to secure a bourgeois Socialist government; in five weeks the Germans secured what it took the. Russians five months to secure a Kerensky government; it took the Russians three months to overthrow their Kerensky: how long will it take the Germans to overthrow their Korensky government and place all power in the Councils of. the revolutionary proletariat?
In its proclamation of a republic, the Sclileswigliolstcin Council of Workmen and Soldiers said. he political power is in our hands. provisional government is in process of ionnation. Our aim is a. free, Socialist Republic along lines that will secure peace for the future.
French Socialists demand that the prevailing military administration of afiairs shall end immediately; that a general election be held at once to take action on problems of reconstruction; that union labor shall participate in the work of reconstruction; that international Socialist Congress be held and labor re represented at the Peace Conference. These are moderate dmands; the proletariat and. Socialisrn in Francewill yet speak in more aggressive and decisive (011115: The National Civic Federation warns against anarchistic agitation, and proposes that using the Red Flag shall be prohibited. and that the emergency espionage laws shall be retained. By anarchist the Federation means any person who does not thank G011 three times a day for a system that produces Morgans and Rockefellcrs, corrupting wealth and degrading poverty. The espionage laws are stranglers of freedom of expression: 7 should end as the war ends. Repeal the espionag wsl