SOCIALIST APPEAL Continued from page 1)
000, 000 yen, or approximately 250, 000, 000. To meet part of these obligations 130, 000, 000 in gold has been. exported since March and a similar sum must soon leave the country, leaving gold stocks that will probably not exceed 350, 000, 000. To cut imports the regime has called upon the people to cut down on the consumption of primary products and subordinate this already meager living standards to. the needs of the military machine whose demands have caused Japan budget to treble in three years and are responsible for a prospective deﬁcit of 1:00. 000 ypn next year. Meanwhile prices are shooting up and heavier and heavier taxes are being imposed.
At the same time the inevitable and imperative mobilization of the government subsidised merchant marine for war purposes cripples. Japanese trade or, at best, raises costs to almost prohibitive levels if foreign ships are used.
Since 1031, billions of yen have gone into Japan military adventure. So far, the returns have ben negligible for the solution of Japan crisis. But, having started on the path of expansion, Japanese imperialism cannot stand still, else it falls back. It must go forward, even if ahead lies ruin. The Japanese imperialists know that ruin is not inevitable so long as they can continue to exploit the masses in their own country nnd in increasing measure exploit the many millions in the great sprawling land across the narrow Japan Sea. Lil Supported Party for invasion Careful preparations wére made bi ore the present attacks on North and Central China were begun. At home, the Japanese imperialists fear only the discontent of the Japanese workers and peasants. More and more the burdens of the crisis have been placed on the backs of the masses.
Far from attempting to alleviate this discontent, for Japanese capitalism has not the resources to make concessions to the workers, preparations have been made to canalize and suppress it. At the same time that an intense ampaign of pro war propaganda was launched, strikes were prohibited. The movement of protest against the rising cost of living and the military campaign which caused it was canalized into the Social Masses Party, supported by the Stalinists in the last elections in which it made considerable gains. Three weeks ago this Party declared its unqualiﬁed support of the Konoye government invasion of China.
Before renewing its attacks on China, Japan tested out the temper of the Soviet Union. Emboldened by the deep inner crisis int he USSR. and the execution of Tukhachevsky and the other generals, Japan took a very truculenl. attitude concerning the question of Soviet patrols on the Amur River, which separates Manchuria from the Soviet Union, even to the point of sinking a Soviet gunboat and demanding the withdrawal of Soviet patrols.
After several days of sharp tension, Moscow agreed to Japan demands. Seven days later ocoumd the incident at Lukouohiaio which precipitated the conﬂict in North China.
Chinese Bourgeoisie Sabotage Fight Wha is most important to rev member in seeking the key to the present conflict is that from 1981 until now the Chinese bourgeoisie, acting through its. pﬁncipsl representative, Chi ox Kai shek, capitulated virtually without struggle to the successive incursions of Japanese imperialism. It gave up Manchuria without ﬁring a shot. It gave up Jehol and saved its own face by want only sacriﬁcing thousands of soldiers it left there to ﬁght without support. It consciously and deliberately sabotaged the attempted resistance of the 19th Route Army ﬁve and half years ago. It spoke loud and long of military preparations, but only a few weeks ago once more Chiang Ksi shek left the 29th Army unaided in the face of Jaian march on Peiping and Timtsin. During the past six years,. he Nanking government has not only not opposed Japan, but it has waged a ruthless terror Igainst all who raised their voices against the Japanese invasion.
But this was still not enough for Japanese imperialism, which unlike the British and American varieties, cannot quite so well afford to share with the Chinase bourgeoisie its booty in the exploitation of the Chinese masses.
It requires complete conquest, complete subjugation. That is why it has struck again at Shangai in hopes of there inflicting a swift and decisivo defeat on the Chinese bourgeoisie and bringing it completely to heEl.
The Chinese bourgeoisie is by its very nature compelled to serve one imperialist or another.
With it the question is: whom shall it serve? Japanese imper ialism, based so largely on light industry and a weak ﬁnancial structure, wants to master China in order to establish a large out let for its own products and to drain the country of the raw materials it posses. Under such mastery there is no room for the Chinese bourgeoisie which would become essentially a class of salaried employees. Britain and the United States, with their greater share in the common exability to export capital, offer to the Chinese bourgeoisie a for great share in the common exploitation of the Chinese masses.
Under their domination the Chinese bourgeoisie would remain what it is, a class of wealthy brokers with a direct stake in the exploitation of the masses. 0bviously, Britain and America are far more preferable masters. So long as there is any hope of effective American and British backing, the Chinese bourgeoisie will try, in its own way and for its own purpo ses, to counter the Japanese advance.
Chiang Proppcd by Anglo French Chiang Kai shek is ﬁghting at Shanghai today because, with the gold exchange agreement concluded by Kong recently in Washington, the 120, 000, 000 loan concludedby him in Iondon, and the credit extended to him in Paris, the Chinese bourgeoisie has been given reason to hope that Anglo American imperialism will support it against the Japanese. Furthermore, the Chinese bourgeoisie realises perfectly well that not to ﬁght now is to abdicate forever its hopes of development under the tutelage of Anglo American imperialism. Chiang Kaishek is ﬁghting also because the Japanese, in attacking his own bailwick, have made it perfectly lear that they do not trust Chiang as their ally and they want to get rid of him.
So today, the Chinese bour. geoisie is basing its hopes on the contradictions between AngloAmerican and Japanese imperialism. It does not dare to take the lead in arming the masses for. a really revolutionary war of.
national liberation against impeJapanese InvadeChina rialist exploitation. It remembers too vividly how the peasants in Hanan ten years ago, primitive arms in hand, translated the slogan: Down with the unequal treaties between China and the in iperinlislzl into Down with the unequal treaties between the landlord and the peasants! It remembers how the workers were no more satisﬁed to be exploited by Chinese capitalists than they were to be exploited by British or Japanese. In the great strike waves of 1925 27, Chinese mills closed as well as foreign mills.
Then the Chinese bourgeoisie was saved from disaster only by the criminal policies of Stalinism. It not anxious to take the chance again. For it knows that while )nly a struggle for a )srger share of the spoils, the struggle between exploited and exploiters is a struggle of life and death.
The Chinese ruling class cannot wage a successful struggle against Japanese imperialism unless it arms the masses of China; and it dares not arm the masses, because the guns will surely be turned against itself.
To the Chinese masses, there is of course no basic difference between being exploited directly by Japanese imperailism, or indirectely, through the Chinese bourgeoisie, by Anglo American imperialism. For them it is a question of freedom from all exploitation. For the peasant, the primary question remains the question of the land; for the worker it is a question of decent working conditions and a living wage. Calls for Imperialist Intervention But, in the interests of Soviet foreign diplomacy, the Chinese Communist Party and the Comintern have forgotten all this.
They have lined up with the Chinese bourgeoisie in. placing their faith exclusively in the contradictions between Anglo American and Japanese imperialism. In the hope that Nanking will at least hinder Japan ultimate attack on the Soviet Union, they have again tied themselves to Chiang Kai shek. They do not merely call for support of the indispensable struggle sgainst the invading Japanese brigands, but proceed to place the gate and the orces of the Chinese masses entirely in the hands of the treacherous Chinese bourgeoisie and the good imperialist. In addition, they take upon themselvse the task of teaching the democratici imperialists how best to take care of their interests in China. The Daily Worker warns that Japan will proceed to drive out of China its British, American, and French competitors.
The democratic liations do not realise the danger. Why does it (the State Department)
not NOW invoke the Nine Power Treaty and the KellogBriand Pact? Daily Worker.
Aug. 1937. It should suffice to recall that from 931 to 1933.
when the imposture of the peace machinery of capitalism was completely exposed, the Nanking government covered up its betrayal and capitulation to Japanese imperialism by just appeals to the league of Nations and to the signatories of the NinePower Pact.
The light againstimperialism.
like the ﬁght. sclimt fascism, cannot be separated fmn the ﬁght against capitalism.
China: Kai sheik is ﬁghting today, it is only to preserve the right of the cum bourgeoisie to eaploit the Chinese masses.
its struggle with imperialism is If The fruits of the right wingcentrists alliance against the left have ripened quickly. It would have been naive to suppose that the alliance could be reduced to an organizational maneuver.
Not at all. Just as the alliance required a political foundation, so does it yield to necessary political consequences.
The political foundation is discovered, in the last analysis, by the hostility to revolutionary Marxism, shared in common by the right wing, and by the Zams, Tylers, and Delsons of the centrist leadership a hostility which the centrist leaders try to nask as anti thskyism. But this basic hostility to revolutionary Marxism, confronted by the Party crisis and the need for ﬁnally taking sides. forces its way more. and more decisively through the left phrases of the centrist leaders, and reveals more and more openly the resetionary content of the whole :entrist ideology.
Ceatriests Adopting Right Wing Line.
In the course of this evolution, zhe centrist leaders are compelled to abandon one by one the revolutionary positions which they had in the past been pushed to adopt in words and resolutions by the pressure of the membership. major step in this process was taken at the Philadelphia meeting of. the by the voting of the shameful Spanish resolution, in direct and bureaucratic violation of the will of the membership and the decisions of the Chicago Convention. This process did not stop there.
It has not yet been sufﬁciently noticed to take a striking example that during the past three months the right wing centrist alliance has been gradually throwing over the revolutionary position on war overwhelmingly supported by the membership, and fought for during so many years.
As always, the right wing called. the turn. Wisconsin announced ﬂatly that it did not and would not accept the War Resolution adopted by the Chicago Convention. Naturally, there was no criticism of Wisconsin by the centrist leaders constituting the majority of the But Wisconsin was not content with States Rights. At Philadelphia Raskin demanded editorial changes in the War Resolution changes all of which were de signed to permit paciﬁst and reformist interpretations of the resolution as a whole; and the obligingly changed at Raskin dictation. But even this is not what is most signiﬁcant. After all, a resolution on paper is less important than a concrete stand on a concrete issu e.
Thomas demands Sanctions Thomas returned from Europe and in his ﬁrst interviews demanded that the Government apply its Neutrality Act to Italy and German. What is the meaning of this demand? Its sources, in the vicious propaganda of the Stalinists and reformist: through out the world.
should indicate the answer.
In political fundamentals, this demand is identical with the demand for the application of League and gavel manta sancthus in the halo Ethiopian er. In opposing the policy of sanctions during the Ethiopian War, the Sooialist, Party pointsdout with absolute correctness that this advocacy of anti war measures to be taken by impan dist moments. saboAugust 21, 1937 Socialist Call Comes Out.
For Sanctions taged effective independent working class support of the Ethiopian struggle. 2) disoriented the working class on the whole problem of the ﬁght against war and the role played in that ﬁght by all imperialist governments; and (8) led logically to support of one own imperialism in. the coming war, in order to back up the governmental acts (the sanctions. which had been advocated. The application of the Neut ality Act phrase for sanctions. The Neutrality Act would impose an im partial embargo, just as sanctions did. This embargo, if meant seriously, would, have to be enforced. For the governmen to enforce it, would lead to coercive acts which as between sovereign states constitute acts of war. and, if conditions so dictated, to war itself: The central objections to. the demand for the application s!
the Neutrality Act are the sane as those to the demand for sanctions. It sabotages the movsi ment for independent working class support of the struggle against Franco. It disorients the working class on the whole pro blem of the ﬁght against war and in this case far more fatally than in connection with sanctions; for here it is the government itself, and the relation of the working class to its own government, that is in question. And it forms a link in the chain which leads to support of the government in the coming war (in order to enforce. neutrality against aggressm. that is, the demand is a proparation for social patriotio be: trayal.
Can anyone doubt this who vhas followed the manipulation of this demand in the Stalinist press, where it is part and patcelaof their soaial patriotic program; and so clearly ﬁgures in :their build up for supportvof the approaching war?
Call joins Thomas Demand let no one imagine that the demand for the application of the Neutrality Act rested, in the Socialist Party, in the press statements of Thomas. In the issue of July did, the Socialist Call, the faction organ of the right wing centrist alliance, made it the ofﬁcial policy of the Gill; is simply another»
Let the membership re read the lead editorial of that issue headed Neutrality. It is in; distinguishable from the propaganda of the Stalinists and reforniists on sanctions two years ago or on neutrality to day. It contains even the same hypocritical apologies and ab; tempts at covering up. Its argumentation almdst out does the Stalinists. The editorial declaresi But actually, Hitler and Musso lini have been at war with Spain.
Unofﬁcial warfare. came to an end with the bombing of Almeria That was open war If this statement were true, the editors of the Call are thus advocating that the government take what are in effect war measures against rival imperialist govarm merits now at war. Wham may be the intentions of the editors, their position on this question is a form of socialpatriotism; its logic leads inescapablyi to complete Mik ment of revolutionary cations and to support of the mining war. Let those who still have faith in the revolutionary intention of the centrist leaders pod the lessonwell; The price ofbau alliance with the right taming against the revolutionary left is, now as always, the abandonment of revolutionary principle.