PAGE m mum sampling nucnmnnn a. 1034 Did housands On Nov. 24 National Unemployed Day, November 24, is an established historical date in the labor movement of the country. complete account of the demon strations in all localities is here impossible. It would read like a city and town directory of the nation.
But reports still coming to the national ofﬁce of the National Unemplayed League, which initiated the movement, are indicative of fer ment in the working class everywhere.
Were More than Parades The demonstration of 00 white and black workers, unemployed, marching in the city or Gulfport, Miss, was classiﬁed by the press as tantamount to insurrection.
They marched to the relief headquarters demanding a solution oi the unemployment evil not aims.
That, in the deep south, is more than just a parade. The same is true of Ashland, Ky. where two thousand workers, white and black, marched to present demands to. the authorities. In High Point, North Carolina, the authorities were scandalized by an unprecedented outpouring of the unemployed.
From Dallas, Texas, Carl Brannin reports that more than 2, 000 marched to the city hall, demanding that the city manager endorse the National Unemployed llay de.
mands, and that he write President Roosevelt to that effect. banner in the march called for the aboli.
tion of capitalism, bag and bag gage. In Texas a scandalous performance.
In Ohio, particularly in the interior, the day was a holiday of protest. Newark, Ohio, saw a super demonstration. Twenty thou sand wurod through the streets.
The sheriﬁ: and the business men decided it was Red Saturday.
The chief of police came to the Newark League the day before, apologizing for an American Legion incident some two months previously, assuring the League members that there would be no inter ference with the demonstration.
And most assuredly there was none.
Authorities stand By In West Virginia, Kanawah, Wayne, Boone and Putnam counties, miners and their wives, National Unemployed League members, marched, while the authorities were content to stand by, watching for undue bulging of clothing indica tive of ﬁre arms. There was no trouble.
In Butte, Montana, 1, 200 jobless marched, demanding relief from the misery of unemployment.
In Milwaukee, Des Moines, Tam pa, Chicago, Pittsburgh, Allentown, New York City, in all the battle scarred centers of labor, there were great demonstrations.
Delegation Visits Washlnswn On November 26, a committee of 18 representing the organized an.
employed demonstrators. the National Unemployed League and other organizations cooperating on November 24, journeyed to Washington and met with the Secretary of Labor Francis Perkins and Federal Relief Administrator Barry Hopkins.
Ed McGrady, Assistant Secretary of Labor and of big shot, was there to receive us. Smiling and jovial, he shook us all by hand.
was glad to see us. he said and told us he too had known lean days at one time, etc. etc. Good softsoaper, Mr. McGrady.
He assured us that the government in Washington was really ours as well as other people Madame Perkins listened impa tiently to the demands of the am employed. She injected many re marks, just to explain things, but on the matter of cash relief anc higher rates she stated she was not qualiﬁed to declare for or against that demand!
Perkins Doesn Know 0n the chic! question, that of the government providing work through an extensive works pro gram well she was not competent, she said, to pass judgment as to whether that was the manner to deal with the unemployment problem or not.
On the demand that war funds be turned over for unemployment for relief well, that was a matter for the House Ways and Means Committee to determine.
Just at this juncture, the time was up. and the delegation left Madame Perkins for the ofﬁce of Mr. Hopkins.
We told prkins we were fed up with evasiveness. Mr. Hopkins didn mind that, it seemed, as he proceeded to give us some more. 0n demand number one work instead of relief for the unemployed. Mr. Hopkins agreed, but not on the 80 hour week and 30 week minimum. 0n the point there was a sneering, hard boiled and cute gorical No. Asked for his reasons, Mr. Hopkins declared he did not believe in an economy of scarclty. A C Music. Entertainment m, Doc. 15, PM.
IRVING PLAZA Irving Place and 15th st. Me 400 at door We. Workers Party. of Tony Belluui Quits Antonio Bellussl, militant anti Fascist sentenced by the government to deportation to Italy because he refused to compromise his views, has left for South America. An announcement by the Provisional Com.
mittee for Non Partisan Labor Defense, which was in charge of Bellussi case during recent months, states that he has obtained a visa after a long ﬁght.
The took over the Bellussi case after the had botched it. Bellussi repudiated the when the Stalinist bureaucrats running that organization tried to make him disavow his friendliness to the The had, the cooperation of the American Civil Liberties Union in the ef: forts to save Bellussi from Mussolini dungeons.
After a protracmd struggle the was able to arrange Bellussi departure to South America. The State Department and Mussolini were thus cheated of another victim. full report of the Bellussl case, including ﬁnancial aspects, is promised for the near futum. Old Guard Talks Split (Continued from Page 1)
It has other grievances a whole series of them. Led by Louis Waldman, patriotic lawyer, and other right wingers from a dozen eastern states, the Old Guard appeared before the national executive and put the knife to its throat. Waldman presented a list of ten demands backed by the state One of these demands was that the National Executive Committee shall announce in clear and unequivocal language that it will neither consider nor discuss any proposals that may come from Corn munists for a united front, for any purpose, nor will it consider em.
barking upon any negotiations for such a united front, and will also advise State organizations to so instruct their locals.
Another demand was that the declaration of principles recently adopted by the Socialist party, and opposed by the right wing. be binding only upon those States whose membership approved the declaration in the recent party referendum. New York State rejected the declaration as in contradiction with Socialist principles.
The memorandum demanded also the reorganization of the national ofﬁce of the party in Chicago, the removal of Clarence Senior as national secretary and his replacement by someone who has the conﬁdence of both party factions.
The memorandum demanded the addition of four members of the right wing to the and the dissolution of all factional groups now functioning within the party such as the Militants and the Revolutionary Policy Committee.
The Old Guard, however, would maintain its faction. We do not. desire to minimize the crisis within the party. Worse than a split is the great danger of the party disintegration. Here is a bold threat of splitl Militants Have Cold Feet The famous Militants. led by Thomas, Mayor Hoan of Milwaukee and Leo Kryscki of the Amelgamated Clothing Workers, ﬁnd themselves on the spot. Con sequently, the Militants on the national executive refused to receive the Stalinist suppliants. They did, however, give a hearing to Jay mvestone, famous attorney for the Stalinists, who desires a return to the policies of the Anglo Russian Committee, that is, a non aggression pact of passivity.
The truth is that the militants; are scared to death. They don want to see the Old Guard take away from them the Rand School, the Forwards, the New Leader and other party properties. They don want to see the exodus from the part of the gang of clever lawyers and inﬂuential of bureau. Asked where the economy of scarcity came in on the 30 hour, 30week, Mr. Hopkins said he would not go into that.
On cash relief, well, there are some sound arguments for that, Hopkins agreed but there were arguments against it too, said Hopkins, pulling his chin, and be agreed with the latter.
In plain language No cash relief. ﬂat No. On the point of raising the relief standard again No.
Unemployed Getthlg Enough The writer asked Mr. Hopkins if it would be misquoting him to say that he held that the unemployed were getting enough relief.
Pulling his chin, Mr. Hopkins said yes, we could quote him as saying. The unemployed by and large are getting enough.
0n the question of the organized unemployed committees being re cognized by local relief agencies as spokesmen for the unemployed, Mr.
Hopkins declared that his oﬁice had sent letters to relief agencies instructing them not to refuse to meet committees of the unemployed.
The conference came to an end.
The committee ﬁled out. ANTKONY mucus.
IN THE RADE UNION?
Independent Unionist Resigns From Ed. Note. We prlnt below the resignation from the Communist Party of Robert, Strong, General Secretary of the Independent Building Trades Council of New York with a chartered membership which has been reported by the Stalinist publications as more than 20, 000 in and around New York. Strong has the solid support of the Council and its afﬁliates iu his standpoint, with the exception of a part of the alteration painters. 0 New York, Nov. 26, 1934 To the Central Committee of the Communist Party: After having been a member of the since 1925, helped to build it up and active for years especially in its trade union work, and after mature consideration of what the party has become since Lenin death, have come to the conclusion that cannot remain in the party and remain a Communist. therefore hereby declare my withdrawal from the am particularly in disagreement with your present trade union policy which, in my opinion, represents a clear departure from revolutionary principles. and which is being put into eifect in complete disregard of inner democracy, both of the party and the trade unions, and behind the backs of the membership.
The disagreements have on this question, however, might not have lead to my withdrawal were it not for the fact that in the course of the controversy had to realize that the beuinist principle of inner democracy had been done away with in the Communist parties for a long time.
Party Demcracy Dead Under the regime now prevailing in the there is no way of voicing one views without being slandered, pounced upon, removed, etc. The rights of the membership under the principle of democratic centralism have been abolished in practice. It is futile, therefore, to attempt to inﬂuence or bring about a correction of the party line from within.
Basic policies are changed overnight, and unless one discards his former opinions when ordered to do so and becomes a mere automaton he cannot remain and live in the party. No person who is a real Communist and not a rag can go along with a system of this kind.
To give an example: In the case of the trade union policy, the CR, after following an ultra left course for years (1929 1933) of creating paper unions in almost all industries, has now switched completely over to the ultra right, seeking to liquidate overnight not only the paper unions which never should have been created in the first place, but also those independent unions which have a mass base and which have come into existence through mass revolts against the reaction ary bureaucrats.
It does not matter to the party leaders that the independent union movement in the country has grown enormously in these years and is now bigger than at any time in the history of the American labor movement. The party leaders, being afraid to face the opposition of the membership on this question, and swelled up with usurped authority, are attempting to put their essentially reactionary policy across from on top, without discussion, by back door methods, piece meal, first the weaker unions then the stronger ones. Individual party members who might oppose it or at least demand a discussion of the question, are done away with silently by the dry guillotine. The slogan of unity is used to sugar coat the process of delivering these workers over to the corrupt of bureaucracy. of Nishlsm The party leaders conveniently repudiate their past policy and put it aside as if it never existed. After making a principle of dual unionism for years they now brazenly claim that they never advocated it (Stachel article in the November Communist which calls for the liquidation of the independent building trades unions which the as in the case of other such unions, sponsored in the ﬁrst place. Right now the party leaders are joining hands with William Green and others of this stripe in outlawing the right or workers to organize independently of the of under the slogan of no dual unionism. Foster letter to the of Convention, printed in the October issue of LaborUnity rep.
resents a complete right about face from what he had been telling us for years and destroys the moral basis for unions outside the of setting up a platform to run these unions back into the of which he and all the rest of you told us for years was a company union outﬁt.
Stachel article in the November Communist goes even further. It lays down the perspective of pellmell liquidation of the weaker in dependent unions and the return of the stronger 0116 to the of regardless of circumstances which have called them into existence.
with the liquidation policy already well under way (Mining, Textile, Auto, Steel, Needle Trades, etc. the Pol Buro, not without equivm cation and diplomacy even now, ﬁnally come out openly for the new way back to the of The fact that all this is being done without the say so of the membership shows that the rank and file of the party has lost control over the party leadership. The membership of the party is reacting instinctively, many of them consciously, against these methods by dropping out of the party en mess voting with their feet against the party bureaucrats.
Members Quiting Discipline without luner (lemocracy is nothing but bureaucratism and has nothing in common with the Leninlst principle of democratic centralism. It cannot serve revolutionary purposes. The attempt to sneakily abolish the independent unions without the consent of the members under cover of discipline is reactionary. So is discipline without inner democracy. It is a method, a regime, alien to Lenin concept of the party of the working class and is bound to result in the degeneration of the movement.
Such discipline, therefore, has no meaning for me. The international party that Lenin created, and on the basis of whose principles joined, has nothing in common with what prevails now.
The is no longer the party of the Communist workers but a private apparatus of corrupted bureaucrats. therefore sever my relations with this organization, deeply convinced that it cannot serve the interests of the working class. There is no other way now for an honest revolutionist who has come to realize the actual state of affairs. RI)BERT STRONG.
crate (not only Dubinsky, Rieve and such types will quit if Wald man and Co. quit, but the Milltouts are none too sure even of ryscki and such elements in the event of a right wing split) and practical politicians such as Jasper McLevy, Mayor of Bridgeport, Dan Hoan of Milkwaukee, and Charlitl Solomon of New York.
Stated even more plthily, the Militan don feel they have the right to take over the leadership of the They feel in tneir bones that after al the is identiﬁed with these old timers and belongs to them. Who are we.
they ask themselves, to throw them out and take over the Party?
What can we do? They have no conﬁdence; their bones are staffed not with marrow but like those of all centrists and Menshevlks with vaaillation and self distrust. The Militants have had a long respite since the left wing drift began within the They have had to worry only about the Old Guard. No Socialist worker con.
sidered the Stalinist party as an alternative, even when he began to abandon the influence of reformfsm and centrism. Now, however, every leftward moving member ﬁxes a hopeful eye on the Workers Party.
The Militants are at length being forced to a choice: Either they must capltulate to the Old Guard, in which case a whole mess of workers will start moving toward the or, without taking a revolutionary position, they will try to swing the a few degrees further in its left centrist course in order to stem the tide of revolutionary thought and sentiment.
The must not be passive in this situation. genuine opportunity exists. It is our duty and opportunity to lend every possible aid and comfbrt to the genuinely revolutionary elements within the to push the as a whole into actions in which the inner conflict will be sharpened and a solution forced that will throw all the healthy elements of the into the camp of revolution, into our camp. For this, comradely criticism, endless patient explanation, an insistence on militant united action on immediate issues of concern to the members both of the and the a campaign to expose the centrist leaders at the top, are essential.
The party of Hillquit can never become the party of Marx and Lenin. But thousands of members of the party of Hillquit can and will In the near future becomesmembers of the Workers Party, the rev olutionary instrument of the American working class. The develop ments of the week at the Boston meeting of leaders opens the door to our members to begin an intensive campaign of agitation in Socialist circles. Let us seize the opportunity and build the Ile BTRANG. Endorses Fusion Program (Continued from Page 1)
changes and the crises in the parties of the Second International since the Austrian events, the imminence of Fascism in France and the deep ferment in the the entry of our French comrades into the and the road to the Fourth International.
This, he pointed out, could not be stereotyped or blue printed.
Different roads would be taken according to conditions in each country. In the United States and Holland by the independent road the merging of revolutionary groups into new parties. In France, on the other hand the road to the new Communist Party leads through the Socialist Party. Intransigeance of principle and ﬂexibility of organization policy was the keynote of comrade Cannon a speech in point ing the road to the new revolutioncry international.
SeriOus disagreement arose on this question. minority of comrades maintained that it was neither necessary nor correct to enter the French Socialist Party, that this road was full of pitfalls and would lead to international disaster for the organization. The discussion on this question lasted two full days and concluded with an overwhelming majority of the dale»
gates voting for the policy endorsed by the international plenum.
Following this was the report by comrade Shachtman on the policy in America for the new party. Beginning with lts declaration of a year ago for the new party, in which the OLA. set as its goal the founding of this revolutionary instrument by fusion on a revolutionary basis with other groups independent of the Second and Third Internationals.
The bulk of his speech dealt with the negotiations with the American Workers Party and the joint draft Declaration of Principles. Barring minor differences on past. methods and tactics and secondary corrections on the Declaration of Principles, the convention was unani mously for merger with the AMP.
The Third and last convention of the Communist League, marks not the end of its struggle for Marxism, not the revision of its ideas, but the shifting of its ﬁeld of activity from that of a propaganda group to mass work, to transform ation into a political party based on the tried and tested ideas of Marx and Lenin. The convention came to an end, after an all night session, with rlnglng cheers from the delegates: Long live the Workers Party of tin United States!
long live a. Fourth Interns; ﬁnal. GEOME CLARKE.
Canada Hails Continued from Page 1)
workers movement of Canada, the also faces the danger of po lice suppression.
The inﬂuence of the Staliniets is beginning to wane while that of the Workers Party is on the upgrade. The has already established ﬁrm connections in most of the organized trades, including the building, clothing, shoe, and metal workers unions. few of the members are in leading positions in these unions.
The prestige and power of the Stalinists ls ebbing fast. Following their new policy upon the international ﬁeld, they have consummated the most unprincipled alliances with all kinds of petty bourgeois and pacifist liberal elements, which has succeeded only in discrediting them further among the class conscious workers.
The Stalinists took the lead in organizing the unemployed in Canada in the ﬁrst year of the crisis Their unemployed organization, however, has now almost complete ly disintegrated. The is gaining a greater foothold among the unemployed groups, controlling a considerable part of the leadership in Winnipeg and having complete control of a newly formed mass organization in Toronto.
The major part of Stalinist activity today revolves around the Canadian branch of the League Against War and Fascism, largely petty bourgeois in composition as in the large number of local meetings have been held along the lines laid down by the Amster»
dam Congress, culminating in a National Anti Fascist and Anti War Congress held at Toronto a few months ago. The representatives of the participated in and presented their program to the local meetings, and later attempted to present a resolution embodying their viewpoint to the Congress itself. The stcerlng committee of the Stalinists, composed of members of the Stalinist Polcom and clergymen, repelled their attempt and after a bitter struggle refused to put it before the Congress.
Build New Party There is no wellvorganized Socialist Party in Canada. Although there are several small local groups which adhere to the ideas of the Socialists, they have, no political signiﬁcance. The road to the formation of the new party in Canada was a comparatively easy question to decide and course to embark upon.
The Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (C. organiwd about two years ago, is the biggest leftf party in Canada. Its base is the. farmers of Western Canada.
particularly in Alberta, and it embraces various labor and lower middle class groups throughout the Dominion. At the time of its in. ctption, labor organizations were to, Front Bobzien Murdered Franz Bobzien is dead oully murdered in a Hamburg prison by Hitler gunmen.
This revolutionary young worker was a member of the Socialist Workers Party and the Young Socialist League in Ger many.
In February 1934, he was deported to Germany from Holland where he was attending an in ternatlonal conference of revo lutiunury youth organizations, together with four comrades.
Delivered into the hands of the Nazis by the Dutch police, he was sentenced to four years imprisonment for high. treas on. and then murdered in jail.
Refusing for purely frictional reasons to participate in the international movement of protest.
the Stalinists share in the guilt of his execution.
We swear to carry on until his executioners will feel the heavy hand of proletarian retribution!
Weisborcl Group Breaking Up On Sunday, December 2, a general membership meeting of the Weisbord group was held for the purpose of a ﬁnal vote on a thesis prepared by the National Committee (Weisbord. on many events of importance to the revolutionary movement. It was known from preliminary discussion that six out of a total membership of ﬁfteen were in opposition to the above mentioned thesis.
in the well known Stalinist method, in the interval between the preliminary discussion and the ﬁnal vote, one comrade was expelled, and others suspended, so as to allow Weisbord a free hand at the meeting of December Knowing that. some comrades would attend the meeting to present a minority statement, Weisbord placed a guard to keep the door closed from the inside, and obtained the assistance of the building owner to keep out those who insisted on participating In this meeting.
Unable to get the slightest hear ing on the discussion of the thesis in such a hooligan atmosphere, the comrades were forced to leave the building. Undoubtedly the thesis was thereafter unanimously accepted.
developments in the in the near future. be taken into the Federation as a whole. This policy was reversed when it was seen that the working class units were putting forward too radical demands for the majority to accept and all organizational connections with the trade unions were broken. Today workers can join only as individuals. Several of the Western labor members of liament.
Comrade MacDonald concluded his summary of conditions in Can ada by stating that the fusion between the Communist League and the American Workers Party into the Workers Party of America should give a tremendous impetus to the Workers Party of Canada. Workers in both countries, he said, are in the closest connection with each other. Political as well as economic conditions in the Unit ed States exert an immediate and powerful inﬂuence upon its neighbor. The two new Workers Parties with the same name and a common revolutionary Marxist program are bound to be of great old to each other and a potent force in the coming struggles of the American and Canadian working class. Workers Rally (Cm itinued from Page 1)
most important ally of union labor was the thrilling story told by uglla, the national leaders of the National Unemployed League. The responsibility of the Workers Party in revolutionizing the unemployed.
for whom above all there is nothing left under capitalism, was one of the most important messages brought to the mass meeting.
Bringing the greetings of the na tional convention of the Spartacus Youth League on the eve of its convention, Joseph Carter declared that in its three day session the League would lay the foundations for, a powerful mass youth organ.
lzation, organizationally independ.
eat but owing political allegiance to the Workers Party. Muste and James Canlion speeches together gave a picture of the ten month collaboration which led to the fusion and founding of the Workers Party.
After ten years of splits and disln.
tegration, they both pointed out, the Workers Party beglns the counter process of re unifying the revolutionary movement. Many In the fusion convention were at the founding of the Communist movement in 1917. declared Can non. Then and now they follow the red guiding star of the Russian Revolution. We have nothing but contempt for those who usurp Lenin name and falsify his doctrines.
Our six year. struggle in the moment symbolism by Leon Trout! bring! forth now its ﬁrst further statement concerningWeisbord lgroup will appear in the Militant the are in the Federal Par Arnold Johnson and Anthony Rura A WP Votes Fusion Plan As Drafted Fulfilling the mandate given it by the Pittsburgh convention of the Conference for Progressive Labor Action a year ago, the Provisional Organizing Committee of the American Workers Party laid before the delegates to the convention held November 28 to 30 detailed proposals for immediate merger with the Communist League of America as the ﬁrst step toward the building of a new and effective revolutionary party in the United States and a revolutionary international.
They were adopted substantially without change aiter the fullest discussion. The vote for merger came late in a session that lasted for a score of hours into the early morning and was unanimous.
The Provisional Organizing Committee was instructed to call a unity convention of the two groups on the next day for the final ratiﬁcation of the proposals and the formal creation of the new Workers Party of the Historic Occasion This was the last and most important act in the career of an or ganizution that thin the few years of its existence initiated and led some of the most signiﬁcant and militant struggles of the American proletariat, blazed the trail in the trade unions of honest, mill.
taut, leftqving leadership, built the greatest of existing unemployed organizations and won for itself an impressive niche in the history of the working class march to power in America. This convention is an historic occasion, Mustesaid in the opening address. Muste reported for the to the convention.
tracing the party history and growth from the Conference for Progressive Labor Action a year ago. e have a great many times described ourselves as not slaves to tradition. We have often spoken of :1 new or American approach. and we have insisted that we be realistie and experimental.
The report to the convention gave the history of the Communist League of America and the negotl.
ations leading to the merger.
Much of the discussion at the convention centered on the Declaration of Principles prepared by the. joint Negotiating Committee of the and the the theore;tic foundation of the new party.
Section by section and paragraph by paragraph the Declaration re ceived the most careful and de tailed discussion by the 50 delegates from all parts of the country.
Every theoretic proposition was immediately matched by the practical experience of the delegates, all active leaders of trade union and unemployed mOvements.
When the discussion ended it was felt that the Declaration rep resented a body of clear revolutionary principles. Minor changes adopted by the convention were referred to the joint negotiating committee for an early formulation.
Adopt Organzatiou Proposals Concrete proposals for the organization of the new party were adopted without change. The most important of the proposals included the Constitution of the new party which was accepted on principal and referred for ﬁnal action to the unity convention; the oiﬁcersblp of the new party on a 5m parity with suggested names on the part of the joint negotiatlng committee and the set up of the National Committee of 22 with alternates on the same parity.
The convention voted unanimously to accept the names of Muste as National Secretary of the Workers Party and of Can»
non, editor of the new party paper.
Because the had no youth organization, it was decided that while youth members of the party were to be placed on the executive committee of the Spartacus Youth League (to become subsequently the youth organization of the new party) it would not be carried out on the 50 50 basis. LOUIS BREIEB.
THE MILITANT Entered as a second class mail Post Ofﬁce at New York, Under the act of March 1879.
Published Weekly by the Comunlst League of America 144 Second Ave. New York, If.
Vol. 7, No. 48. Whole No. 252)
SATURDAY, DECEMBER 1934 EDITORIAL BOARD Martin Abern James Cannon Max Shachtman Maurice Specter Arne Swabeck.
Bundle rates two cents per copy.
Subscription rate: 00 per copy.
50c per half year Canada and Foreign: 50 per year: file for fruits. Music dwelt on the clear and principled basis, carefully enundated in the Declaration of Principles, on which the Workers Party is founded. The meeting closed with terriﬁc applause and the singing of the International, as Comrade Music called for the building of a new, Fourth International. collection was taken which, with the sale of tickets, totalled 400.