PAGE 11. mm SATURDAX, NOVEMBEII 1, 1034 for an Independent Movement Our RoadnThe New Party (Continued from Page 1)
by a conscious determination to get out of the propaganda circle into the broader movement. The actual fusion with the now on the order of the day, is in our understanding, more decisive step on the same path; by no means a solu ion of the problem, for the combined forces of the two organizations are modest enugh, but a real move in this direction.
in turning deliberately toward a broader mass activity through the medium of a new party we do not thereby contradict our past exist ence as a propaganda group, and still less do we renounce it. There was a time when the propaganda circle, as a result of the general stagnation and theoretical degener ation, was the only existence possible for those who retained allegiance lo principle. The situation of the time determined the progressive nature of the propaganda circle. We understood it better than others and tenaciously stuck to our task, rejecting all magic prescriptions for short cuts to mass work.
In that we were absolutely right, as subsequent experience demonstrated.
The Fate of Our Critics Those who built on ﬁrm foundations of principle proved to be most effective in mass work directly and in, establishiug relations and unit ing with other progressive elements which, in the nature of the case, broadens the perspective mass activity in the future. The others, who did so much talking about mass WM and mndemnedi cu tion with propagan a ggzsariganism (Weisbord, Field, etc. made miserable failures with mass work, with propaganda, wrth organization and everything else.
it is an ironic commentary on these grouplets of professional. mass workers. plunged into internal crisas by their total isolation from the mass movement on the one hand hand the fusion of the and the on the other, that they are compelled to seek some kind of principle basis to maintain They will their lndedependence.
not ﬁnd it.
The propaganda circle must give way now to the political party tied up with the movement of the mass es. Under thc impact of the rising activity of the general labor movement thousands upon thousands of workers are beginning to awaken to political life; others, who have fallen away in the period of reac tion and stagnation, are being roused out of their passivity. These new forces will not go to little groups. They will seek political expression through the medium of one of the parties, This is understood, more or less, by all the po liti cnl minded people in all the groups. They are moving to adjust their activities accordingly, and, by the direction they take, they reveal their real colors.
Lovestone moves desperately to re attach himself to the Stalinist party, in its swing to the right, before his group falls to pieces before his eyes. GitlowrZam Goldmon crawl back into the Socialist party to make good the mistake of 1919 We, who are neither Stalin.
lsts nor social democrats, move to unite with other forces to form an independent party opposed to both.
Each, according to his opinion and his inner tendency, will ﬁnd his place: except those who want to continue to clarify themselves in a small circle. For such there is no salvation and no political life in the period unfolding now.
Dilemma of Propaganda Groups Degeneration is the fate of all propaganda groups which are not able to transform the nature of; their activity and connect themselves with the broad movement when the hour strikes for such a transformation. We are prepared by our past for a great leap for ward; but we ourselves must take the leup. We fought a good ﬁght.
It was historically necessary and progressive. Against the stream for six years, against unparalleled difﬁculties, against slander, isolation and vaerty of resources we held tenaciously to our course. We have a right to be proud of our six years struggle. The history of the American movement does not know another example of a group that was put to such severe tests and stood up under them so. ﬁrmly.
We have survived. We have a right» to be proud of our six»years struggle for principle; but it would be a tragedy if we should fail to understand that this struggle was not. an end in itself but a period of preparation for the new opportunities and new tasks which stand before us now.
We must acknowledge that we are not immune from such a dam ger. certain element of sectarianism is inseparable from the life of a group which lives a long time in isolation and is compelled by the needs of the movement. as we were, to preoccupy itself almost exclusively with theoretical work.
with the intransigeant struggle to clarify questions of principle. It 1!
poiIi ble that we will have to face, murdecisive turn in our work with some Io ctarian hangoverI in our BY JAMES CANNoN ranks, some besitations and fears of the new tasks and the broader stream, Such a tendency could have only a negative inﬂuence now.
We must face the problem squarely at the national conference and solve it. That means: we must not yield an inch to any kind of sectarian considerations in regard to the fusion and the launching of the new party.
Sectarianism can be a great danger in the present period of ﬂux and change in the movement when vast new perspectives open up before us; when new opportunities to extend the basis and broaden the inﬂuence of revolutionary Marxism are ours to grasp. We shall oppose every manifestation of such a tendency with all our strength in the League, and in the new party, also, if necessary.
Gitlow and Zara Renegades!
But it goes without saying that our position in this regard has nothing in common with the position of those who seek to solve the problem of isolation by desertion of the revolutionary banner and entry into the Socialist party. Gitlow and Zam, by this shameful performance, only complete the evolu tion which began with their crusade against rotskyism in the They were among the originators, or at least the earliest prootitioners, of the art of misusing the Leuinist weapon of denunciation, hurling the epithet renegndc at honest revolutionisis until the word lost all meaning. How hollow that all sounds now. They even console themselves with the thought that the horrible misuse of epithets by the Stalinists has engendered such a cynicism on the subject of renogary that their own return to the party of revolutionary unity without a program, without a banner, without as they announce Ache slightest intention to even form a faction in this unitoil party, will escape the indignant denunciation of the revolutionary workers. Never mind. The sword of Lenin has been blunted.
Goldman, like Gitlow, forsweariug any intention to form a faction in the S, and still less to proclaim the need of a. split with the black hundred gang of the Old Guard, imagines that he has discovered a new political recipe. lie is going to work wonders in the Scolalist party all by himself by means of personal diplomacy, back slapping the centrist leaders, and the devil knows what other clever tricks. It has been said that he even expects to remain a friend of the League and the new party. We have no need of such friends. The new party needs revolutionary militants who are ﬁrm in their convictions and loyal to their own organization. We have had a good chance in recent years to ﬁnd out who they are. There are enough to make a start. Others will follow, and we will train them in the same spirit. ur road is the road to the new revolutionary party, And, by that, not to conciliation with the parties of reformism and centrism but irreconcilable struggle against them.
If we are equal to our, tnsk we have the opportunity to succeed.
The perspective of a rising lnbor movement is all in our favor; a genuinely Marxist party cannot fail to thrive in the period of labor revival and mass activity. Our rivals the and the are irremediubly bankrupt, as the experience of the two big strike waves demonstrated once again. u forces are not too numerous, but they are of better quality. They are ﬁrm in principle and, taking them all together, they embody a rich experience in trade union and mass activity. The task is a colossal one. But we can accomplish it if we have nerve to begin it and the will to carry it through.
The Principles of the New Party We need a declaration of principles that speaks out clearly on every important question. The ﬁrst draft, taken as a basis, is naturally to be edited, revised and clariﬁed on every point. The bulk of this but it will be sharpened again. realty serious analysis of the situation, the trends and the cur»
rents in the workers political movement in the United States does not lead to the conclusion that thcl Socialist Party is or will be the revolutionary party of the future, or that it is the best ﬁeld for the activities of the revolutionlsts today. Of all the groups in the there is not one that is revolutionnry, that is, holshevik. There is not one leader that deserves the name of revolutionist. As for rev.
olulionists entering the from the outside, they cannot do it, as the case of Gitlow and Zam proved, unless they give up their program and their banner. When revolu tionlsts do that they cease to be revolutionists. The leaders of the. Militnnts who, it must not be forgotten, are the leaders of. the party nationally. exacted from Gitlow and Zam a public declaration that they have no intention of forming a communist faction, or any ulhol kind of a faction, in the party. Then, to avoid a conﬂict with the Old Guard over their admittance, they chivierI the ex comInunists over to New Jersey to join the so to speak, as second grade members.
Mistaken Analogles Some people attempt to ﬁnd an analogy between the contemptible course of Gltlow and Zara and the action of the French BolshevikLeninista in entering the S, as a group. But in reality there is no similarity at all. Shaken to its foundations by the crisis of the democratic state, the French So cialist party reacts to the broadest issible democracy in its own nks: the leadership is not in a position to place limitations upon it. The Bolshevik Leninists are able to enter the party without any conditions: they openly retained their whole program, their name, their banner, their press. They work within the Socialist Party for the same ideas that governed their activity as an outside group, and they do it openly. What does this course have in common with the skulking, shamefaced conduct of Gitlow?
We have supported the action of our French comrades. Under the exceptional circumstances. prevaillag in the French labor movement we think it was the correct tactical ﬂap. But it is obvious that the situation in this country is entirely different. Here the road is open for the creation of an independent party. It is a hard road, let us not deceive ourselves about that, but there is no other for those who have serious revolutionary aims and do not shrink from the implications of a struggle for them. It will be a hard up hlll ﬁght. Those who have no stomach for it can be expected to stand aside on one pretext or another.
Goldman Desertlon How else is one to explain the action of Albert Goldman in jumping over the fence into the at the moment our plans for fusion with the and the formal work of improving and clarifying the program has already been accomplished by the joint committee.
The second draft, embodying important amendents and reformulations, will go to the convention delegates of each organization and then to the joint convention for ﬁnal revi sion. The work in the joint program committee has demonstrated beyond any doubt that we have a common standpoint on all the fundamental questions of principles and tactics. What remains now is primarily a. literary task of formulating each and every point with such precision that it cannot. have two meanings to anybody. In the program declaration of the new party there should be no trace of ambiguity. We are conﬁdent that the hull draft which passes the convention will meet this Marxian test and become the charter and guide of all the revolutionary militants in the country. O If, as all signs indicate, the sixth anniversary of our struggle is to culminate in the conclusion of our existence as a separate group and the beginning of a new period of joint struggle with the members of the in a single party, it can only mean that we carry with us that system of ideas and methods which, thanks to our international collaboration, and above all to the aid of our great teacher, we have so ﬁrmly acquired. Our conviction is unshakeable. We Trotskyites are convinced to the marrow of our bones that our ﬁght was justiﬁed and necessary. We renounce noth ing and repent nothing. Revolutionary internationalism remains as before our central, unifying idea.
The great task now, as we understand it, is to carry this idea into the realm of organization and action. That means concretely: unite forctw to build the new party of the Fourth International. We hope to contribute our full share to the accomplishment of this great historic task.
Elevator Strike Neat (Continued from Page 1)
Meanwhile a furious campaign of slander has been unleashed by the in the bud. Five thousand scabs have been imported to ﬁll the places of striking workers. while extensive preparations are being made by the police department to insure them adequate protection. charge by the bosses that Chicago racketcers are in control of the union has failed to dampen the enthusiasm of the workers.
In a telegram sent to Mayor LaGuardia, the Real Estate Board warns of a serious labor disturb an. This gives the lie to their recent assertion that the union has under its leadership no more than 20 per cent of the workers in the industry.
An offer by the bosses to submit the question of wages and hours to an impartial arbitrator was proclamation of the new party were nearing completion? What is that but the act of a strike breaker?
emphasically rejected by union leaders who ﬁrst demand the closed Students Fight For FreedomlolSpeech (Continued from Page I)
upon a time liberal and removed from superintendency of Les Angeles Public Schools for a pacifist stand during the war) of conspiracy to turn the university over to Trotsky (even quoting from the latter book, The Strategy of the World Revolution. and the Third International these students in reality advocated so communistic a measure as a student controlled forum.
Warned by Provost Moore to cease advocating a student forum, these students had the temerity to think freedom of speech is permitted within the sacred preclncts of.
a University campus. The student constitution provides for the right of petition for the referendum. Dr.
Moore representative hurried to the Student Council and bore the words that if the students attempted to use their right tovpetition that right would be taken from them. Shades of 1776!
Like :1 bolt from the blue on Monday afternoon, October 29th, the ﬁve popular and active students were suspended.
0n the same day student interest and resentment begun swelling.
Plans were laid.
On Tuesday the students acted.
Ten o clock classes were empty.
Professors dismissed their classes as 4, 000 tudenta stood before Royce Hall steps and saw uniformed police and football heroes knock down the speakers who attempted to take the stand in the behalf of the recalcitrant free speechers.
Cops Guaard Academic Freedom Cries of What are the cops dolug here. Let him speak. We want an open hearing rang out.
Yes, the students were learning there on those steps lessons more poignant than can be found in many classes. cop was scuttled.
In the office of the university, Dr.
Moore shuddered and, looking at the four young men who had been expelled and who had been sum»
moned to appear before him, said Get out there. you four, and break up that meeting! No one moved.
Then one spoke quietly: Dr.
Moore, you break it up. You started it.
These were brave words, but the our students anxious to get back into school had repudiated Celeste Strach, member because of her membership in that organiza»
tion, and were later going to take the stand against Communism in an effort to purify their banner.
Outside Pleading of a few loy al students who called upon every one to sing the college anthem. Hail Blue and Gold. Earl Miller, dean of men, requests the students to go back to their classes. Back they go. But a glowing page in student action had already been written.
Support from Stanford And support pours in from outside, from Stanford University where the editor of the organ of the students there writes a ﬁne editorial on free speech. The Unilversity of California at Berkeley students declare a one hour strike in sympathy with the suspended students.
Here as at Cross Eyed Kellys of the gridiron try to bust things up. Los Angelea Junior College sends a petition with 750 names calling for reinstatement.
The days that have followed have seen Dr. Moore appealing to student vigilantes (here we must remember the vigilantes used during the strike in San Francisco) to drive radicalism (spell freedom of thought) on the campus. says he. well regulated university does not have free speech. So a uni verslty is a laboratory for experiment. Says who?
The supporters of the Americans (as they call them bosses in an effort to nip the strike.
selves) are: the American Legion, lthe Daughters of the American. Revolution, the Better American Federation, the Chamber of Com mercc, the Chief of Police Davis, the aristocratic Ebell Club. Cast an appreciative eye over that mob, Horatio!
But a wave of student support is starting, hlowly, clumsily directed.
But, nevertheless, such a progressive wave, galvanized by de mands for the reinstatement of the ﬁve students, for a student forum, for free speech that even the re. douhtable Dr. Moore may be swept aside.
The latest paper carries news that 100 professors de mand the ouster of this senile servant of reaction, this pitiful, broken old man.
Let. letters, petitions, mass meetings all over the land swell the tide.
Every school in the land will have to decide whether free speech is to be allowed at or these collegiate fascists, who helped break the longshoremen strike, are to rule. Every college according to Dr. Moore will have to dc«
cide this problem. An avalanche of protests directed to the president of the University of California, r. Sproul, at Berkeley, will deﬁnitely help to decide that free dam of speech shall be safeguarded, that democratic rightI shall be maintained! Dr. Moore will reap the whirlwind he has sowul shop. B! LL MONROE.
Seventeen years ago the October revolution brought the ﬁrst great defeat to world capitalism. It transferred the power in a territory covering one sixth of the earth surface from a class in decline and decay to a rising progressive force the working class. This was then. and remains today its most fundamental aspect.
Around the working class rallied the great majority of the peasantry, cementing an alliance of mutual interests. This alliance has re nmlned ﬁrm and found its joint expression in the Soviets, in the social and cultural institutions of the workers republic, in the Red Army and in the reciprocal relations of mutual beneﬁts and mutual obli gations between city and country.
From this alliance the draws its great strength, serving in a dismal world as a beacon light of inspiration. And this also has held imperialist marauders buck, although their palms are itching for the attack. The working class power has deﬁed its foes. It has remained unshaken and stands as the guardian of the workers fatherland. To defend this fatherland remains an elementary duty for every revolutionist.
It is not necessary to make inquiries today about the accomplishments of the October revolution.
We do not ask or its justiﬁcation.
it is suiiicient to say that the world literally stands aghlast, watching breathlessly every new advance in the The world watches in wonderment or bewilderment, with admiration and sympathy or with fear and hatred, but there is unani mity in the respectful attitude shown when confronting the magnitude of its developments. Even the most powerful among the imperialist nations, the United States itself, no longer dares to deprecate these developments, not to speak of making an actual comparison of conditions and achievements of the respective national economies.
The Contrast It is true that here the scope of the productive forces still far outstrip those of the Soviet Union, but here an overwhelming percentage of its capacity lies idle and despite all the NRA rode regulations the anarchy of capitalist production prevails, millions of workers re main in the misery and deprivations of unemployment, the staud ard of living for the class as a whole vastly reduced while bankruptcies make inroads in the various layers of the middle class. The superiority or planned economy a: pursued in the has been demonstrated long ago and beyond a shadow of a doubt. There unemployment has been eliminated and the standard of living of the papulation as a whole is improving.
But the imperialists still cherish hopes in the midst of their deadly risis. They know that the Soviet Union cannot stand alone. They have no illusions about the peace ful coexistence of the workers republic alongside of the capitalist powers. They still dominate world economy and never before have Roosevelt Plan Fails (Continued from Page 1)
Three hours after Harry Hopkins had roused the congress of economists to wild enthusiasm, President Roosevelt himself knocked the pins out from under them and told them their work would be conﬁned to formulating unemployment insurance not any kind of insurance for the present unemployed, but a cheap little fund that would tide present job holders over a few weeks of unemployment.
The Great Social Security Program boiled down to a plan whereby workers at present employed might receive a few weeks support from a fund created partly out of their meager salaries and partly out of pay roll taxes, a sort of company union mutual beneﬁt association, with very little beneﬁt at that.
The Presiden warned (Warned. the economists that they were not to consider any old age pensions, any health insurance, or any plans for bettering the ten million new unemployed.
The Security Grave In a few short words the President dug a grave, buried the Social Security program, and erected a tombstone over the hopes of those who expected something from the New Deal.
There was rejoicing in one quarter. President Roosevelt has kept his promise to business. Said the New York Thins: Businels leadA ers (read: robber barons) hailed the cautious policy enunciated by the President, who emphasized that miracles could not be achieved, that all problems could not be solved at once and that in developing the component parts of a broad program we must not loose sight of the fact that there can be no security for the individual in the midst of general insecurity.
In other words. the people can wait for ﬁve or ten years for their security. while businesl reintrenches itself. Capitalism ﬁrst. the workers afterwards, is the President motto.
By ARNE SWABECK they engaged so feverishly in the race for armaments in preparation for the ﬁnal conﬂict between the two systems.
With each new marvelous achieve»
ment the Soviet Union is drawn closer into the vorctex of world economy. Today this is illustrated in concrete terms of credits and of exchange of products in terms of economy and of politics. It is impossible to disregard the interde pendence of the various nations in the relations of world economy regardless of whether they have for their basis a socialist or a capitalist structure. In view of this it is necessary to emphasize over and over again that the theory of a national self sufﬁciency as well as the theory of Socialism in One Country is utoplau and reactionary. socialist society within the limits of national boundaries is not feus ihle. Socialism and national separatism are mutually exclusive, At this particular moment. for example, reports are current of the unwillingness of the major capitalist powers to grant long term credits to the Soviet Union and of the necessity in view of this to make drastic curtailments in the next ﬁve year plan. We do not accept these reports in any sense of finality inasmuch as the capitalist powers are fur from having a united front among themselves, and engage in the competitive struggle for markets. liul. these reports must serve as a serious warning. The economic successes recorded in the Soviet Union do noi and cannot solve its problems and do not at all secure the existence of the workers republic. Their existence is directly and inextricably bound up with their position on the international arena. it is bound up with the advance or the retreat of the international revolution. This is an elementary lesson of Marxism which we can never afford to overlook or to disregard.
Struggle to the End The relationship between the :orkers republic and the capitalist powers is necessarily a compromise mud will remain so until the one the other conquers. It is in no sense a peaceful relationship no mailer what the diplomatic cover lllgr may seem to convey. The issues between them are fought out constantly in the class war and the advantage of either side is inﬂu enced step by step through the strengthening or the weakening of the position of either class on a world scale. The ﬁnal victory will be determined by this position. To day the international revolution is not adVancing. 0n the contrary, it has suffered serious reverses and defeats. It is a well known fact that within the ring of countries around the Soviet Union reaction is growing at a much faster pace than the successes of Socialist construction. The further direction of the reactionary offensive is clear and it has gained its advantages mainly due to the departure of the stalinist regime in the Soviet Union and the omclal Communist parties from the theory and practice of revolutionary internationalism. Out of this the severe defeats of the real defenders of the Soviet Union became possible. 1n order to prove this contention it is necessary to record once again only the defeat of the Chinese revolution, the tie test of the German workers and the crthlug of their organizations when Hitler came to power, and the defeat of the Austrian workers.
These were the greatcSt blows struck not only against the international revolution but against the Soviet power as well, What has the Soviet Union gained in return for these blows on the international arena? From the capitalist powers it is accorded respect in outward appearance.
Even the mighty dollar empire has extended its ofﬁcial recognition.
Several powers, no doubt, would at thiI present stage not spurn an alliance with the Soviet Union but, Ius far as they are concerned, it would be only to further their own imperialist aims. The Soviet Union has entered non aggression pacts of the kind that were declared scraps of paper in the last war. It has been taken into the icy embrace of the League of Nations. Its repre.
sentatlves will sit on the council in Geneva constructed by the robbcr bands of nations which were victorious in the last war and for the purpose of maintaining the artiﬁcial national boundaries of perialist loot and to continue the enslavement of humanity with the blessings of capitalist civilization. Empty diplomatic victories when compared to the disastrous defeats ﬂowing from a fundamentally false theory and practice. 0n the weak reed of such victories the Stalinist bureaucracy Icons for its support to ward off the attacks upon the Soviet Union lumen of placing its real reliance on the strengthening of the working class Ilse Heritage of Ocloher 17 Years of the Workers State forces throughout the world. Hence the defeat of the latter instead of their victory. But it is because of these defeats that the danger of the existence of the Soviet Union is much greater today. Its actual defense has become a much more pressing necessity.
It is for thme reasons also that the defense of the Soviet Union cannot be conceived of without a struggle to the very end against the Stalinist bureaucratic regime.
The parties dominated by this re»
gime have been strangled and destroyed or rendered impotent. And for the revolutionists the only course now left open is the one of creating new parties and the creation of a new International. me this we do not at all exclude the Soviet Union. But the center of gravity of the struggle against the victorious reaction is now in the west, with France at this moment as its most crucial point. In the United States, however, rapid developments of the class struggle are also in the making.
This is where we will take our part in the creation of a new International and organizing the real defenders of the Soviet Union, We hall the seventeenth anniversary of the October revolution and pledge to it our loyalty and support. For us it meant the ﬁrst stage in the international revolution and the be ginning of a new civilization not to be conﬁned to one single country It is in this spirit that we are about to take the ﬁrst serious step toward he organization of the American revolutionists into the new party.
It is in this spirit also that we celebrate our sixth anniversary of the Militant.
Six years ago its first issue up neared. throwing down its challenge to the organizers of defeat and making the ﬁrst attempt in this country to restore the banner of the October revolution. The Milltant has grown since in inﬂuence and around it has rallied a movement, still small when compared to its gigantic tasks, but ﬁrmly founded on the teachings of Marx and Lenin. On that foundation we made common cause with. he International Left Opposition and set for ourselves ﬁrst the aim of propagahdizlng its ideas. To us this could only mean a certain stage of preparation to bring these ideas into actual life in the class struggle. We have now passed that transitional stage and we feel that our efforts have not been in vain.
But in the course of these developments it also became clear to us that the ideas transformed into life must ﬁnd their expression in a new party. No other conclusion could be drawu from the disastrous defeats of the working class movement on a world scale, the false theory and practice of the nationally limited Stalinist bureaucracy and the dismal failure of the parties lt dominates.
We now stand on the threshold of the new revolutionary party in the United States. The League is preparing to unite with the It will be no exaggeration to say that the new party will become one of the important factors in laying the foundation for the actual organization of the Fourth International. It will have a serloi mission to perform. The further ex tension of the October revolution still awaits the strong hands of a revolutionary movement capable of leading to victory. It is to that task that be new party will be dedicated.
Mooney Wins Hearing (Continued from Page 1)
ecutioner hand and forced Woodrow Wilson to have his sentence commuted to life imprisonment.
Everytime since then that Mooney had a chance for freedom, it was because the labor movement was in motion.
Today again. if the Supreme Court is not to be permitted to ﬁnd a legal loophole to deny Mooney a retrial, it will only be because the militant working class is on its feet and says to the doddering judges that it will not take No for an onswer.
The cause of Mooney is the cause of the oppressed and exploited.
Tom Mooney went to prison because he fought labor battle. As long as Mooney remains in jail a cloud of shame will hang over the working class.
Fighting Mooney, never weary.
never discouraged, has time and again called upon the working class for assistance. That they have not passed unbeeded is a matter of history.
But now, now! more than ever beflore it is our duty to answer his cu. SUBSCRIBE TO THE MILITANT.
JOIN THE COMMUNIST LEAGUE SUNDAY, NOV. 18, It PM.
IRVING PLAZA lull Street Irvlnv Plan will Sunk 0n Cannon Revolutionary trend. In Europe Admit ion we