Archivo rebelde es
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PAGE SP. Groups Fight (Continued from Page 1)
to be for a cooperative commonwealth, reject control by the Third International. will be loyal to the principles of democracy within the party and the labor movement and will abstain from participating in factions groups within the party (when all the active socialists are already in factions. and are wills ing to use the ballot and party and labor organizations as our present method in the struggle for our goal. are qualified to be members of the Socialist party.
Refoi mlsts, centrists of all shades including ex members and revolutionists can belong to the party, according to Norman Thomas. At this time we can afford to differ quite considerably on what may be necessary in some conceivable crisis, provided we work now with proper regard for all that is valuable in the American tradition of civil liberty and de mocracy. adds this liberal turned radical.
Thomas Panicky In reality Thomas and the Milltants are panicky over the prospects of a split. The important instutlons and at least half the party membership would go with the Old Guard. Hundreds and perhaps thousands of the newcomers may be expected to drop out of the party.
The talk of a labor party, formed by the reconstituted Old Guard and the of bureaucrats, may captivate the wavering members.
More than that. with the Old Guard rotor mists cut off, the internal struggle will not end but rather take on sharper form. The Militants will be forced into a fight with the Bonn reformists, with Norman Thomas acting as conciliator. Hoan who is against the. Forward crowd, who wants an Ameri can party with as little socialism and as few international ties as possible, will once again openly display his real colors much to the discomfort of the Militants.
He and his followers will move to wards reconciliation with the Old Guard within some new organiza»
tion or find new reformist channels. split under present conditions may well mean the strangulation of the Socialist party.
What Shall the Left Wing Do?
But what of the genuinely mili rant and revolutionary workers in the Socialist party and Young Peoples Socialist League? They will undoubtedly put up a fight against those leaders of the Mill fruits who stand in the way of an irreconcilable struggle against rei ormism in all its forms. It is hardly to be expected that the Militants will remain intact.
Yoluth Thesis (Continued from Page 3)
youth of the United States. especially the Young Socialists. The 11L. aims to win the newly awakened and radical youth for communism. In its latter period it has been politically subordinate to the on the basis of the fundamental organizational principles alrcndy outlined. Through its organ, Young Spartacus, the has put for»
ward the international Communist program on the burning problems o. the day: the militarization of the youth, preparation for imperin ist war. fascist movements in luropc and America and the needs of the young workers and students.
Through this means the attracted new youth to its ranks, educated and equipped its members with an elementary under»
standing of revolutionary Marxism. Large masses of young workers and students. and in the first instance, socialist and Stalinist youth, were reached with our program through the participation of the in united fronts against imperialist war, against fascism.
and for the unionization of the young workers. The through its international delegate, aided in the formation of the International Bureau of revolutionary youth organiza»
tions (last Feb. as a step towards a new youth international. as an integral part of the Fourth International. The the Leninist Youth League of France. ihe Bolsln vik Imninist Youth League of Belgium and the Bolshevik Lenin isl youth League of Spain, which are all politically subordinate to the respective national sections of the International Communist Longue. are connected on a world scale through an International Youth Commission of the latter.
The Spartm Youth League has and will be called upon to play an important role in furthering the movement for a new revolutionary. oulh international.
IV. The reasons for the shortmmiugs in the work of the in addition to the general limitation which affected the Internationul Communists as a whole, were: the failure of ihe to understand tho needs and character of the consequently the fail urc to apply in practice the funda mental principles which govern the relations between a revolutionary political party and its youth section: and the absence of sufficient leading cadres. To improve and extend our youth work the entire membership of the Communist League, and in (he first instance, its leading bod»
ies, must acquire an understanding with these prospects before them of the basic tasks of ihe and the Socialist workers should nor fear a. split with the Old Guard.
0n the contrary they have every.
thing to gain from it: if they organize on a revolutionary Marxist program against all reformist and centrist groupings. hey can play a progressive rore, they can save the large sections of genuine militants 1n the Socialist movement, only by struggling on this basis towards fusion with the new revolutionary workers party soon In inlaunched, towards the Fourth lnternational JOSEPH CARTER. 55:THE INTERNATIONAL WORKERS SCHOOL announces a series of 12 lecture classes by MAX SKACl ITMAN on The History of the Commnrist League (Trotskyists)
Every Wednesday. beginning Nov.
14, at P. at 1 Second Ave.
The fee for entire course is 50; or 20 cents for a single lecture.
o o Although the following courses of the school are already in session, it is still possible to register for them: of Marxism Carl Cowl. vefy Friday at P. nllow closely the development of the youth movement. The Communist League should from time to lime re examine its relations with the to determine how to improve cry oreration between the two organizations, strengthen its own cadre in the youth league, promote joint activities and gain new mem hers from the youth group. Only thus, can the Communist League give real aid to the youth moveIncut. Only in this way can we win the youth for revolutionary MarxlSIn.
MILITANT CIRCULATION TO ALL BRANCHES In the lust Issue of the Militant we asked all branches of the League to arrange for special Sixth Anniversary affairs for the purpose of raising funds and at the some he Militant The Downtown Branch of Local lew York is the only one that. has informed us of definite action. This branch has arranged for a Sixth Anniversary Dance for November. enjoyable evening.
We urge all other branches to :akc immediate action and inform us about it. State 8: Revolution Weber.
Every Monday at P. American History Morrow.
Every Wednesday at. P.
MILITAN GREETINGS Greet the Militant on its Sixth vlnnversnry. Send 250 and be sure to state whether me my print The fee for these courses is 50 name in fun, for the entire course or 20 cents a.
for any single session. Registrations are taken daily at the office, 144 Second Avenue, New York City.
BROWNSVILLE OPEN FORUM American 1m Strikes Speaker. I L I 1 Friday, Nov. 16, at a 1776 Pltkin Avenue Auspices: Brownsville Branch OLA. THE MlLI ANT Entered as a second class mail Post Office at New York, Un der the act of March 3, 1879.
Published Weekly by the Communist League of America 144 Second Ave New York, VOL No. 45. Whole No. 249)
SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 10, 1934 EDITORIAL BOARD Martin Abern James Cannon Max Shachtman Maurice Specter Arne Swabeck.
Bundle rates two cents per copy.
Subscription rate: 00 per copy.
50c per half year Canada and Foreign: 50 per your; 75c for HISTORY IN THE MAKING The Minneapolis Organizer is ruly a chronCile of history in the making. This paper was issued luily during the historic truck lrivers strike and records every aspect of the battle as it took place.
We have a few incomplete files. the Organizer on hand, which we iave gaihered with much trouble.
We are selling them at and 50 depending upon the number of cop es missing. We also have some single copies. They sell at 5c a copy. Get a few samples and we feel sure you will want a file.
HEALTH LECTURES Dr. Joyce began his series of lectures on Workers Health with an informal talk on colds. He spoke both informatvely and interestingly. His second lecture will he on boils, carbuncles, fungus infections. No doubt many workers have quite a few misconceptions on.
say, athlete root. This lecture will clear those up since it is a scientific explanation of both origin and cure of lust such ailments.
The lecture will be held on Monday.
November 12 at the Stuyvesant Casino at P. sharp. Admission is 15c. Auspices: Spartacus Youth League.
lime celebrating the founding of 17, and promises all participants.
um mum Ilse truth Allen to hem Stalinist Hokum on Minneapolis Minnesota and its neighbors have long been centers of advanced political development. Its workers have often pointed the road to the heavy industry proletariat of other regions. characteristically, it is from this section that ball the two Governors and two Senators who are not members of the Repub»
llean or Democratic Party. And, just as general agrarian and pro letarian discontent have knocked out of the picture the traditional parties of American capitalism, so the fully class conscious elements of the proletariat have thrown up here an unusually significant group of thoroughly developed revolutionarias.
When the Communist party, headed by Jay Lovestone and acting under orders from the StalinIlucharln bloc, expelled the Left Opposition in 1928, it lost its foot»
hold in Minnesota. 11: was no ac cident that all that there was of Communism in such a city as Min»
neapoiis was Trotskyist, that is to say bred ln the bune Marxist and no pretty prey to revisionist bu reaucratism. Since the Communist movement of Minneapolis became rotskyist, the Stallnists have never had a look in on the labor movement.
They lost every last trade unionist by expelling the Trotskyisls. and have today not a single member of a Minneapolis union. Due to a series of fiascos, they have lost even ihe small section of unemployed whom they bamboozled for a short time.
Consequently, when the drivers struck in Minneapolis last spring and summer, the local a couple of dozen woebegoue petty bourgeoie led by petty bureaucrats would but guash its teeth in rage. But at the top of the strikes were to be found none other than the despised and spurned Trotskyists, and although they busied themselves spreading vicious slanders, the Stalinists could not win the ear of one solitary striker!
Under the leadership of the enemies of the working class. Gen eral Drivers Union 574 was built up between January and May of this year from 150 to 5, 000 members. In May it clashed with the bosses in a sensational and militant strike and won a. partial victory.
By July the bosses had taken steps to retract. the concessions forced from them in May, and Local 574 launched a second strike, a veritable struggle for existence.
Country Electrified That strike electrified the country for five weeks. Bloody Friday and its toll of two dead and 48 wounded; the efforts of the militia under the command of FarmerLabor Governor Floyd Olson to smash the strike; the publication of the first daily strike bulletin in American labor history; the launching by the bosses and the bold smashing by the union leaders of one of the most vicious of recent red scares: the rallying of the unemployed to the union banner; the daring forced marches of pickets in defiance of police and milltia; the brilliant organizational work and political strategy of the union leaders all these made of the Minneapolis strikes milestones in labor struggle.
The strike ended with a settlement which gave the workers their jobs back without discrimination, minimum wage rates with arbitration for upward (and only upward)
revisions, and improved workin: conditions. The union won th right to recognize the important group of market inside workers on whose behalf the second strike had been called. The elections provided for later won the union full recognition in almost all the large trucking firms and many of the small ones. The union is solidly grounded and growing steadily.
Not a worker in the city 1ndeed, in the whole region who does not feel inspired by the deeds of 574. Every section of the labor movement hailed the outcome and this includes many a labor skate who attacks the strike leaders for radicalism but is forced to admit that a victory was won. Only the bosses, whose press is preaching the lesson Do not strike. and the Stallnists are dissatisfied with the outcome.
Two recent developments confirm this estimate. As a result of arbitration, in which the workers were represented by the strike leaders, the wage levels have already been raised 21 cents an hour above the minimum stipulated in the strike settlement. Equally significant, the militant milk truck drivers of Fargo Moorehead. when it began the organization drive which eulminated in the present strike, borrowed from 574 one of its leaders, Mick Dunne, to head their forces.
The Spleen of the Stalinists To the Stalinists, however, the story of the Minneapolis strikes is a bitter pill. They did not have a look in and a historic task vvas performed by the hated Trotskyists.
Under the title Permanent Counter Revolution. they have now issued a dime pamphlet analyz the struggles of last spring and summer. The pamphlet includes an article from the Communist, by Childs, and several Dally Worker pieces by William Frances Dunne, the hero of Outer Mongolia.
It is one of the most malignant ex cretions in all Stalinist history.
To list all the lies and slanders in this pamphlet would require an entire issue of the Militant It is not proposed to give so much space to the matter. The. story of the Minneapolis strike is written in the capitalist press of the Northwest, which cursed every move of the union leaders, and in the columns of the Organizer, strike bulletin of Local 574. Those who wish to check every factual question must refer to these documents above all others. It is furthermore the intention of the to pub»
Iish soon a pamphlet giving the story of the Minneapolis strike.
In the meantime on or two things might be pointed out about the Stalinist pamphlet.
The greatest enemy the strikers had to face was the militia, called out and commanded by Governor Olson. Bosses, scabs, police were beaten. Not until 2, 500 troops be«
gau their strike breaking work were the strikers is a tight hole.
The policy of the union leaders toward the troops was, consequently, of crucial importance to the outcome of the strike. It is a touchstone of the whole strike policy.
This the Stalinist pamphlet recog»
nizcs, and consequently devotes a major portion of its attention to lying about this very question. It was not until martial law was declared that the rotskyite leaders began to criticize Olson, declares this pamphlet. Over and over it charges that the Trotsky.
itex offered no opposition.
The Workers Illusion The strike began on July 16. As soon as the Minneapolis police made serious efforts to interfere with picketing, there could be heard from most strikers repeated expres»
sions of hope that the militia would be called in. This is a strange and unfortunate but indisputable fact.
The workers of Minneapolis had elected Olson, and most of them believed he was their Governor.
They hoped that his troops would tie the hands of the boss controlled city police, enabling the pickets to handle all scabs and win the strike in one two three order.
The troops were not called out until July 26, ten days after the strike began. During this period the sentiment of the strikers in favor of martial law under Olson administration increased constant ly. After Bloody Friday this became a question of active agitation by Farmer Labor leaders, to whom many workers gave a ready ear.
In this period, to criticize Olson, to fight against the calling of martial law, was to risk widespread unpopularity among the workers.
Only a. true Bolshevik, endowed both with the theoretical apparatus of Marx that recognizes the boss state and its Governors and its flows as the implacable and inevitable emy of the workers, and with a. firm courage to tell the truth in labor interest would risk such unpopularlty.
What did the leaders of Local 574 do?
The waders Policy Did they assure the workers that they had nothing to fear from the National Guard, that Gov. 0i son had mobilized the troops for the protection of the workers. The Stallnlsts use quotes on that phrase; we defy them to produce evidence that a single 574 leader, Trotskyist or non Trotskyist. used such a phrase. Here is the truth: The Organizer, surikc bulletin, of July 18 (third day of the strike, one week before martial law was decmred. four days before troops were seen outside barracks. contains a leading editorial comment»
ing on the question of troops and Olson attitude. This occupies the central columns of the front page and is printed in heavy type. It is entitled Troops in Minneapolis 1What For? Here are some quotations. One battalion. has already been mobilized. Governor Olson in his statement to the press said. The important question is the pre»
servation of law and order. We don believe that this is the right way to put the problem.
The most important question now is: Has the underdog, the worker.
the exploited and persecuted, the right. to organize into unions and to demand a decent living. The only threat to public peace comes from those who try to provoke the strikers by the use of thugs and scabs and deputlzed hoodlums. Governor Olson, in his statement, said he will not lake sides in the strike. But his action in mobilizug a battalion of the National Guard on the first day of the strike is that not taking sides? Many workers will be keenly disappolnted both with the statement and the action of Governor Olson. They voted! for him in the firm conviction that he would side with them against the bosses. Union men and women have a right to doubt that anyone can be really neutral in the great struggle between capital and labor. But in any case they ex pected something more than neu trality from the Farmer»Labor Governor. They expected support of their struggle. not the theat of rail.
itary force against them. That is the only way the mobilization. can be understood as a threat against the strikers. That is why the worke who are enlisted in this fight for the right to live. demand and will continue to demand. Wl IIDRAW THE NATIONAL RD IMMEDIATELY. Opposition to Olsonism This is the way in which the counter revelutionaries behaved.
This was their deal with Olson.
ls thenI anything more shameless than a Stalinist pen prostitute?
And this is far from the end ol the story.
Martial law was declared July 26. The Organizer of that day announccs that 574 DEMANDS 0LSON RECALL MILITIA ORDER. Martial law, it, declares, cannot help the strikers. It must help the boss. We call upon every labor union in the city. to second this demand. We ask them to impress with the utmost force and solonmity upon the Governor the implacable opposition of the over»
whelming mass of the population to the presence or these troops and the operation of martini law.
The main headline of the Organizer of July 27 is MARTIAL LAW CLOAKS SCAR MOVES.
On July 215 it bluzons forth. STRIKERS DEMAND liOOI REMOVAL, and there follows the text of the resolution of the Strike Committee of 100 against marlial law.
On July ill) appears a photograph of (ivnernl Walsh sitting side by side with Bloody Johannes. Chief of Police: under it is a satiric editorial driving home the truth that Olson troops are lnmd in gluve with im murderous police.
From Words to Deeds And on July 31 (when picketing was a military crime) appears the sensational announcement. ICKE S O REPORT AT A. Replying in the latest public statement of Governor Olson, the leading news article in this Issue states. the Strike Committee of 100, shortly after noon today issued a public statement expressing its complete dissatisfaction with the present state of afi airs and with the Governor latest orders. he statement is quoted. Despite all his harsh words di»
rooted at the employers, Governor Olson directs all his harsh blows at the Union and the strike.
Against this attempt to undermine and break the strike, Local 57 has but one alternative: to fight.
And the editorial entitled We will Not Submit! says of Olson. The course of action he has taken has served but one purpose: to aid the bosses and to hamper and restrict the independent activity of the workers in their struggle for the righl to live and to enjoy the benelils of union organization.
They cannot forgive that and they cannot forget it. And what is more. they cannot submit it without lighting back.
On the next day the strikers, lolIowing the plains laid down bylheir leaders. defied the militia and pick eting was resumed in force.
On August appeared the reply to Olson seizure of headquarters and arrest of strike leaders and pickets. ANSWER MILITARY TYRAN»
NY BY GENERAL PROTEST STRIKE!
One could go on indefinitely.
So intense and skilled was the campaign of the official union paper, the leaders speeches and a steady agitation in the ranks of the strikers, that Olson raids and arrests failed to break the strike.
The workers, shocked by the troops actions, found a new paint of ori entation in their leaders policy, a source of renewed couraged in the fact that their leaders had fallen into no trap and had plans for handling the situation which ihe rank and file had not foreseen. The ranks were reformed; the workers defied the troops and labelled their commander, the once idolized Olson, what he was: STRIKE BREAKER.
Olson Friends So pertinacious were the strike leaders in their anti troop cam paign, both before and after the declaration of martial law, that all Olson adherents began to whin and still do whine, that the strike leaders cared nothing about win»
ning the strike but only wanted to put poor old Olson, the peepul friend. on the spot. For example, Anne Ross, an Olson hecler, made just such charges in the liberal New Republic among whose editors is the devoted Stalinist sympathiz er. Malcolm Cowley.
The study of the Stalinist atti»
tude on this question of troops in Minneapolis would be incomplete if we limited ourselves to the filthy lies of the Dunne Childs pamphlet.
The true viciousness of Stalinism can only be understood by 00111an. in: their criticism. of the counSATI UIDAX, NOVEMBER 10. 1084 fer revolutionary Trotskyloes, with the actions of the Stalinists themselves.
Shortiy alter the troops began their strike breaking activities, the Stalinists were confronted with the issue, not in Minneapolis where in their ignominious bscuroity no issue ever confronts them, but in New York City where they have a following The strikc»breaking moves of theI State of California had stimulated the formation in New York of a Committee for Workers Rights, a joint body composed of delegates from half a dozen defense organizations, with the object of defending the rights of the Frisco workers. When the martial law situation reached a crisis in Mlnneapw lis, it was proposed at a meeting of this committee that a protest be sent Io Governor Olson. The rep.
resentatlves of the General Defense. ommiitec (I. the League for Industrial Democracy and the Non llartisan Labor Defense sup ported lhe proposal. It was op»
posed by Frank Palmer of the Fed erated Press and other delegates of the American Civil Liberties Union. nlmer stated that a protest would be ill»adviscd because some Minneapolis workers favored martial law. Louis Berg, represenmlive of the Non Partisan Labor Defense, protested against Palmer statement. Ills remarks were received with stony silence by Allen aub, representing the National Commit»
tee for the Defense of Political Prisoners (of the and by Anna Damon, representing tho The proposal of protest against the Minneuwlls suppression was bandied about for several weeks.
Allen aub, in a sub committee, de ciarcd that lhe use or troops need not always be bad for the workers and that his people (the Stalinists)
Would cvcu demand martial law for protection against. lynching in the South! The Stalinist reprcscuta»
tin never once raised their voice of the protest proposal. They served as the passive allies of the. which attacked the proposal for a dozen different reap sons. The Liberal Stalinist bloc succeeded in paraly ng the om mitten and no protest was ever made by that body. similar pretty Inlc could be told about every major point in the Stalinist pamphlet. The long and short of fl is that, since lhe Trotskyists recruiicd the members of the union, agitated for and organ izcd and led and won the strike, ii is a counter mvolutiomry strike.
it is a victory, but a victory for cormtcrmerolution! Starting out from Stalinist theories. Dunne and Childs quite naturally compose a masterpiece of brazen lies. And bchiud each lie is a Stalinist crime. Crime Against the Class The pamphlet is, however. more than a web of lies. It does not merely obscure the truth about a strike and slander the rolskyists.
it is u blow to the working class as a whole.
Its main object is to inform workers, especially those of Min»
ul apolis, that they have been defeated! All who have derived en couragement from the triumph of militmlcy in day when so many militant performances are crushed or trapped into the National Run Around, are to be discouraged.
Labor has again been beaten. The Stimulus given to the Minnealmlis trade union movement is based on a misapprehension; Minneapolis and other workers in the section who have joined unions, others who have begun to press their leaders to adopt the policies of Local 574, are all wrong. They should be dis»
heartened, not heartened. No doubt they should relax inlo pessimism and passivity, quit the unions or whatnot. As for the workers of FargmMoorehead, they must bounce Mick Dunne, their strike leader, now under indictment for Inciting to riot, and go jump in the creek for not knowing a fighter from a traitor!
For a so called proleturlau organization to sacrifice class morale in order to deal a blow at another organization is nothing short of a crime against the whole class. Little wonder that after such behavior the hardest task of the Minneapolis OLA. and the leaders of 57 in organizing a protest against a recent vigilante raid on the Stalinist bookstore was to convince workers that the interests of the class were involved. To them the Stalinists look like stooges for the boss and nothing else. Once the Dallas Chllds pamphlet appears in the Minneapolis bookstore, workers who want to defend that. store against vigilantes will be as scarce as hens teeth.
No doubt the pamphlet will be a success in New York petty bourgeois circles, however. It is rich in the corrupt qualities which wellfed dilettante Stalinisls adore. All who think it a wonderful piece of work, and who would like a; see Bill Dunne stay sober long enough to really clean up on the Trotskyists once and for all, will no doubt suggest that be accept the challenge to debate publicly the question of the Minneapolis strike policy. And it is equally certain that Bill Dunne will accept. Believe that and ll tell you another one. IIARRY STRANG.
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Truce Gov Falls (Continued from Page 1)
coup.
THE METHODS: The general strike which is an immediate necessity, the ration for which can he assured by the constitution of factory and district counnltteos.
The People Militia.
Time presses. We must begin at once. We must not wait until the constitution is revised and the relation of forces changed in favor of the enemy. We must not wait for a new coup to launch the gen. ml strike. The bourgeoisie has learned the lesson of the February events. And the Jouhuux (yellow trade union leader) delay an an»
swer under the pretext that six days are necessary for preparation, will find pretexts to make this answer completely negative.
The only possible defense for the workers against the maneuvers of Ihe reaction is broad action. prepared from today on, unleashed forcefully and followed llll Ollgh to victory.
The only way to avoid the fate of the workers of Germany. Austria and Spain paralysis and then de feat is a revolutionary policy of broad scope, of well organized, well prepared struggle. It. is high time our socialist sections and all work ors organizations took this road FRANCK.
Fargo Drivers Win (Continued from Page I)
differences of size in the two communities. The roads leading into town were picketed, and large picket line assembled at the Fair»
mont plant. Ilere the scabs were bottled up by the picket line.
The plckcting was 100 per cent successful. Not a milk truck moved, with the exception of those bound for hospitals and children homes.
which were permitted to operate by the strikers. restaurant owner who brandislied a revolver in an effort to frighten the pickets into permitting milk delivery at his place was dis»
armed by the workers and returned to his business considerably subdued. Upon this incident, appar»
ontiy, were based the charges against Dunne and other union leaders who were arrested.
Sunday afternoon Miles Dunne and five other Local 173 leaders were arrested and thrown into jail on charges of inciting to riot. an offense which carries a penalty of to years imprisonment in North Dakota. The warrants were issued on complaints signed by a small creamer y owner.
This act was all that was required to arouse the greatest pronpolis Werc warned by the Stalintest among the Fargo workers.
Agitation for a general strike spread immediately.
The bosses became frightened.
They had made a mis»step, overlooking the devotion which the strike Ieaders had inspired in the breasts of the workers.
They called a conference, and sent word to the union that they were ready to arbitrate.
Local 173 said: First release all lili leaders and bring them here. he bosses grumbled and groancd ind consented. By A. Monday norning an agreement was arrived If, giving Local 173 union recogni»
ion, a 48»hour day week and a :43 weekly raise, with the agreement to arbitrate wages upwards within ien days.
The principles of Local 574 are spreading. are being assimilated by community after community in the nm thwestfiand by the workers all over America. The success of this ihort militant Fargo strike added impetus to union organization. hroughont this section.
The Fargo workers were warned by the Citizens Alliance of Minnefats in that pretty pamphlet, Permanent Counter Revolution. to have no truck with the General Drivers Union Local 574. But the Fargo workers had their own in»
terests to consider.
The Fargo one day milk drivers strike may be considered another victory for the tactics of Local 574 in the American labor movement.
BRONX OPEN FORUM Socialist Party of New Workers Party?
BRONX OPEN FORUM Speaker: 0 C R E Friday, Nov. 16, at 1739 Boston Road BORO PARK OPEN FORUM Reform or Revolution or New Yorkers Party?
Speaker: BURKE COCI IBAN Friday, November 16. at P.
1231 49th St, Brooklyn Ausplces: 3011. Park Branch HARLEM OPEN FORUM Seventeen Years of the Russian Revolution.
Speaker: L A C II Friday, Nov. 16, P.
143 East 103rd Street Auspices: Harlem Branch NOTICE TO CHICAGO READERS: The Militant is now available at the Post Ofi lce News Bookstore.
Monroe street between Dearborn and Clark Streets. Non subscribers may get copies there henceforth. 14,, 4W. w. may.