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07 45 10 11 1934 3
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SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 10, 1934 QUESTION BOX BROWNSVILLE WORKER (Continued)
Qnostion: How can we conciliate the successes of the five year plan with the numerous reports of starvation in the Answer: The successes of Soviet economy are due to the political and social structure of the workers state, which makes a planned economy possible. We must, however, recognize the limitations which her present world position and inherited backwardness place upon the SJ. and upon such planning. serious food shortage or other difiicultios (e. the shortage in cattle after Stalin 100 collectivization adventure. difiiculties caused by drought, etc. or by an accentuat ion of contradictions (disproportions between the different parts of the economy) are by no means excluded, and, while they flow essentially from the backwardness of the country and not from the social form under which it is living, only a living Communist party can guard against them. By chok ing the party, Stalin has only prepared the way for a further accentuation of the contradictions and for unexpected, unpleasant surprise It would, however, be safe to greatly discount the famine rumours since these mostly emanate from anti Soviet lie factories. Unfortunately, between these and the Stalinist exaggerations, aimed at holsterlng up the prestige of the bureaucracy, it is exceedingly ditJicult to get a factual picture of aiIairs.
Trotsky Soviet Economy in Danger probably lives you as good a description as is available. a DOS ANGELES Question: What is the declared public policy of the Soviet Union towards proletarian revolutions and fascist counter revolutions in other countries? Is it true that ofliciai statements have appeared in the Soviet or other (LP. press declaring that the is opposed to any disturbances that will upset the present status quo?
Answer: The official foreign policy of the Stalinists was expressed by Litvinov at the disarmament coni erencc, and repeated by Stalin at the meetings of the The SOLE purpose of the Soviet Union is the building of Socialism on the territory of the USSR. if objection is raised that this was intended only to fool the capitalists then let such objectors answer why Litvinov speech was published as a ONE CENT pamphlet, e. it was intended for the widest distribution among the workers.
Since the main HISTORICAL task which the Stalinists set for themselves is the building of Socialism In the Soviet Union, EVERYTHING WHICH INTERFERES WITH THIS MUST BE SACRIFICED TO IT. revolutionary upheaval disturbs world and therefore Soviet economy, which must export and import, so that the logic of their position forces the Stallnists to do everything in their power to maintain the international status quo. They do not state it as bluntly as this, as your question suggests. but what is decisive is the logic oi their position as it must work out in practice.
The capitalist reporter, Waiter Duranty, gives as a picture of how the Soviet Bureaucracy reacted to the recent revolt of the Austrian workers. Herc perhaps lies the explanation of the Soviet confusion at what is happening in Austria. Whether the Bol sheviki like it or not the situation here is as follows. The only Communist party congress held in three and a half years has devoted itself to two questions which in a sense are one the second Five Year Plan and the organization of the party and governmental system to handle the same most efficiently. Foreign problems have been considered primarily in the light of he plan that is, their possible effect upon it. It is true that the speakers, from Stalin down, have talked of world revolution and have even given the Communist international an occasional pat on the head. But. that has been only a side issue. It was clear throughout to any impartial observer that 70 percent of Soviet interest was concentrated on the Five Year Plan and its organization, 29 percent on foreign aifalrs in so far as they might hinder or help the plan, and, maybe, percent on foreign aii airs in regard to world revolution. So the Austrian workers revolt, although intrinsically gratifying to the Bolsheviki, has elements of surprise, the consequences of which may be unpleasant. Times, Feb. 18, 1934. capitalist reporter? Yes! But the Stalinists have never denied the report and it is impossible to deny that it fits their theories perfectly.
The clearest official document which expresses the Stalinist position towards revolution is the promise made by Litvlnov to Roosevelt. it will be the fixed policy of the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Not to permit the formation or residence on its territory of any organization or group and to prevent the activity on its territory of any organization or group, or of representatives or officials of any organization or group which has as an aim the overthrow or the preparation for the overthrow of, or bringing about by force of a change in, the polltical or social order of the whole or any part of the United States, its territories or possessions. Dolly Worker, Nov. 18, 1933. What other documents are necessary?
Qumion: Has the of the 11. called any anti Nazi demonstrations before and since Hitler coming to power?
Answer: If they have it certainly has been kept a dark secret even by the Daily Worker which surely would not be backward about reporting such demonstrations. In 1923 huge demonstrations and meetings were held in the Soviet Union to support the German proletarian revolution, on the order of the day at that time. Compare the present attitude as further evidence of the Stalinist foreign policy and its objective results.
Question: The following is taken from the platform in the 1934 California elections: All Nazi ships should be prohibited from landing or trading in ports. What should be the Communist position towards this question as regards Soviet ports?
Answer: The above slogan is obviously ridiculous.
It is tantamount to asking those workers permanently engaged in unloading goods from Germany to give up their jobs. Then why not from Italy? Carry it to its logical conclusion why not ponnanetly refuse to load or unload ships of all the capitalist countries, including the since they are all controlled by finan ce capital? Even the cannot correctly take such a position, but on this the Stalinists are silent.
The chief difficulty with the Stalinist slogan lies in its failure to set limits to the perspectives of this type of sruggle in support of the German workers.
Our position on this was stated editorially in the Militant (Oct. 21, 1938) as follows: An internationsl strike against the handling or transport of German goods and communication, as an anti fascist demonstration for It definitely limited short time, should be the aim. This applies equally as well to the but the Staliniets exclude this country from their slogan so as not to embarrass the foreign policy of Litvinov.
o talist military organizations, THE MILI AN Draft lsesls for Convention fundamentalllspect. of Youthwissfk The Need for a National Spartacus Youth League This thesis is submitted by the National Committee of the Spartacus Youth League and approved by theh of the for discussion by the League membership to be ratified at the convention. The thesis contains a statement of the general relations between the youth and adult organization. They hold with equal force in reference to the new revolutionary youth league and the new party. Other youth resolutions for the Spartacus Youth Convention to be held on December 2nd in New York City have been published in a supplement to the October number of Young Spartacus. Copies are available at 144 Second Ave, Comrades are urged to study these documents and subunit their comments and criticism to the discussimn Ed. O a. The future of our movement depends upon our ability to win the young workers to our banner. This is true both in regards to our immediate task of constructing a Marxist international party, and our ultimate aim of using this instrument to accomplish the work ers revolution.
The building of a new party means the assembling of the best elements in the present labor movement on the basis of revolutionary Marxism and our active participa ion in the economic struggles of. he workers, in the struggle against mperialist war and fascism. As the experiences of the last World War. the building of the Commulist International, the victory of.
fascism in Germany, have shown.
the youth are more sensitive to social and political crises. They are less tattered by traditional conservative ties fostered by capitalist training and old (workers. party allegiances than the mature adult workers.
This is demonstrated once again by the reaction of the radical, especially the socialist, youth in the United States, as well as in Europe, to the recent events in Germany and Austria: the unmistakable leftward trend of these young workers. The youth are not only the most immediate reserves of capibut also a great potential source of the future active forces of fascism.
Imperialist war and fascism are not distant. but immediate dangers to the working class. To think of conducting effective anti war activity among the civilians or among the armed forces, without seriously organizing the youth is a hopeless dream. All talk of the struggle against fascism which is not predicated on winning the young workers and students for the prole»
tarian revolution is fruitless prat»
tie.
II a. The most effective medium through which the mass of young workers and the radical youth can be won for the new revolutionary movement. is an autonomous political organization which accepts the political program of the Communist League (and later the new party. Since the young workers are part of the general working class and thereby aflected by the same prob.
lems, the youth league works on the basis of the program of the vanguard of the entire class. For us, to form a political youth organ ization on any other program is ntopian and dangerous. It is an endeavour which files in the face of reality and runs counter to our needs. Political subordination means that the strategy and tactics of the Communist League are the strategy and tactics of the youth league.
The latter is a broad mass organe ization which includes strata of young workers and students who want to learn communism. Such training requires the most intimate connection between the theoretical and the practical, the study group and the field of class struggle. Political subordination is maintained by a capable Communist League (or party) cadre working inside the youth league which directs and leads it; by an exchange of representatives of respective committees national bodies to local executive committees; and by a sound Marxian policy in the class struggle which the youth will readily follow. Since the political youth league should have in its ranks primarily militant youth who are to be trained for the Communist League (later the party. that is, to become revolutionists, it. is necessary that it have organizational autonomy. This includes the right of its members to govern their organizational life, elect their own committees and officers, and deter mine youth pollcles, all within the general framework of the political program of the Communist League (and the ncW party. This is needed so that the youth can develop their own methods of work and policies suitable to the special needs and desires that arise from the physical and intellectual immaturity of the young workers; the special effects of capitalist militarlsm and bourgeois youth organ isation upon them: the necessity of winning the youth from the reformStulinist) youth organizations: and for the self discipline and self education of the militant youth. To provide the youth leaguers with an understanding of the decisions and policies of the Communist League, particularly affecting the youth, they are encouraged to attend discussion meetings of the branches of the Communist League, and discuss these policies during their own Ire convention period.
Further, the two organizations conduct joint activities in united fronts. industrial, unemployment, antiemilitarist and autiJascist work. It is wholly inadequate that the youth should repeat our formulas. It is necessary that the youth should take the revolutionary forInulas fighting, transform them into flesh and blood, work out for Ihemscives their own opinion, their own personality, and be able to fight their own opinion with that courage which comos from sincere conviction and independence of character. Trotsky. In this spirit we should trnin our youth for the new party.
in a. Our two and a half years of youth work has resulted In a national organization, the Spartacus Youth League, which, though handicapped by small numbers and material poverty, has already made its impre on the more radical (Continued on Page 4)
Ilie Fight for Full By SIMON WILLIAMSON One of the most serious problems that confronts the American sec»
tion of the Fourth International is the breaking down of the walls of white chauvinism and so cailed race prejudice held by the white proletariat of the country (who are influenced by the white bourgeoisie) and the winning of full economic, social and political equality for the Negro masses. Such a victory will give the franchise to over nine million black peons of the bourbon south. Such a victory must be won if the white workers ever expect. to win and enjoy true working class democracy.
The American bourgeoisie has always felt the acute need of maintaining division of black and white in the working class and thus render it impotent in the struggle against the ruthless exploitation of the opulcnt. Race hatred has been one of the chief means of keeping the workers divided. Karl Marx truthfully stated years ago that Labor in a white skin cannot emancipate itself so long as labor in a black skin is branded. The black American, despite the persecution meted out to him, is kept by the white capitalist as a reserve of cheap labor for the purpose of breaking the morale of white workers who revolt against a lower standard of living. The Negro should not be held responsible for this. However, this has led the less developed white workers to believe the Negro a professional strike breaker.
Most Negro proletarinus. who have been used for this end by the capitalists are ignorant of the role that they oftimes play. However, the block proletariat is gradually losing his race consciousness and acquiring a class consciousness, and is destined to play an egregious role in the labor movement in the near future. Let us take Boston, Iowa for example. Some years ago Negro labor was brought to Boxton to break a strike and lower the morale of the whites. The job was accomplished, but twenty years Anti Militarism and the Struggle Against War The fundamental concepts of this work have been laid down many years ago. The special youth character of this question lies in the particularly brutal manner in which it effects the youth. The problem as a whole, it must be understood, is again a problem concerning the working class as such.
especially of decisive importance for the revolutionary party. There has been a definite tendency in the revolutionary movement to consider this wol as having a purely youth character, and leaving the youth to grapple alone with this tremendous and decisive question.
Actually, anti militarism and the struggle against war is a major party activity in which the youth play a most important role. The fact that periods existed when the youth alone carried the banner of anti militarist struggle is no justification for this division of labor. Militnrism is of such great impor.
tanoc that it must be fought by the entire labor movement. This task cannot be carried through ONLY by the young communist leagues. This is fundamental.
The last imperialist war witnessed the collapse of the only workers international with the result that the proletariat remained defenseless against the crushing blows of the ruling class. Left without a leadership, observing that its par.
ties surrendered to chauvinism, the Social, Economic and Political Equality later the Negro workers were playing a leading role in the labor unions. Graphic examples could also be cited of the coal mining areas of Illinois. Despite this the American labor movement in the past has ignored the importance of the Negro worker joining its ranks. It shunned the helpless Negro proletariat by aiding the bourgeoisie to Jim Crow him. The American Federation of Labor has always barred him from or Jim (Jrowed him in the craft unions.
At present, the Stalinists are holding up, as a means of attraction, the wooden horse of Self Dctormination or Jim Crow republic in the southern section of the United States. We. the Internation a1 Communists, sometimes called Trotskyites. are opposed to this theory because we see, that it will eventually, like most Stalinist theories, serveI as a boomerang to the emancipation of the proletariat. Jim Crow republic for the Arm erican Negro will simply lend to the strength and influence of the Negro bourgeoisie who is as much an enemy of the working class as the white bourgeoisie. If the labor movement aids such a movement it will help prolong the life of capitalism and retard the triumph of world socialism or communism.
It is therefore, the duty of the Communist League of America, the Bolshevik Leninists, to divert the attention of all fellow Negro workers from the idea of Self Determination for the Black Belt, which in reality means more discrimination, and focus his attention on the fight for full economic, social and political equality. which carries within it the embodiment of true working class democracy.
In the fight to gain this objective the Negro proletariat must be given every assistance to defeat the Negro bourgeoisie. The Negro worker must be taught to see that capital ism is destructive and is as dang»
eroua in the hands of a blaCk man as in the hands of a white man, and that humanity cannot be free until capitalism is overthrown.
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Both 75. Botll 75 workers were on their own, so to speak, in the conflict against the war. The only bright star to cross the horizon was the International of Socialist Youth (it later became the which seized the deserted banner of proletarian anti war and anti militarist work and together with the Bolsheviks and the International Left, proceeded to struggle against the war and the cruel system of militarism. With the increasing danger of a new im»
peI ialist war, it is necessary to prepare now. The existing internationals, by their propugauda and activity, demonstrate that a repeti tion of the past by them is likely.
it is highly important that this work shall not be left entirely or primarily in the hands of the youth organization. The youth must carry on an education of its own sec tion, rally broad masses of the youth in the struggle against war, fight the pernicious influences of pacillsm. penetrate the armed forces. etc. But the youth per.
forms all of this work under the political leadership of the commu nist party. We need now to stress the acute danger of war, the need of intensified efforts in the struggle aaginst its outbreak, and should it come in spite of this struggle, to organize the forces of the proletariat to put an end to it, through the transformation of the imporialist war into the civil war. The fundamental aspects of the antimllitarist struggle laid down at Stuttgart (the proposals of Lenin Imd Luxumburg. Berue (1915. and the 110. 1921. still holds good and needs only to be applied properly. Such a program means to propagate against war among the masses, to engage in such propa gauda within and without the armed forces, to seek to organize them against capitalism itself. But this work must be of a continuous and persistent sort, engaged in by the Party organization, actively assisted by the youth organization, which brings home to the young workers the meaning of militarism and war, and enlists them in the general proletarian struggle against this evil.
SOOIALIST EDUCATION OF THE YOUTH This is the third fundamental field of work for the revolutionary youth organization. It is essentially a struggle against capitalist education. It must be done by coun teracting this training of the youth with a proletarian class training.
We are not interested in a more school room education. The slogan of theory and practice has to be made a reality. Education through the class struggle must be our method, and the education of the youth should not be limited to palitics alone. It must be divided into three headings, political, general education and physical training.
While we reject the social demo cmtlc conception that the youth organization must and can only be an educational and cultural organ.
ization, we must put this work on a plane it deserves. Socialist education Is now the weakest part of youth work and it must be made the strongest. When it is realized that the other fields of work are not separate and distinctly youth, but are the problems of the class in which the youth participates most actively, the importance of socialist education will be realized.
For the most part, the youth will have to acquire the absolutely essential theoretical background through systematic study while they are in the communist youth organization. The opportunities for such study will be greatly limited when they become a part of the adult organization. One can say with justification that in the pres ent organizations of the youth (Stalinist and Social Democratic)
a systematic educational program does not exist.
The youth organization must build its educational work along political, scientific and cultural lines. The question of physical or sport activity should really be a separate field of work, flowing out of the above. The danger that the youth movement might become a pure educational movemnt is overbalanced by the fact that it is a class struggle organization which participates actively in the efforts to emancipate the proletariat. We must strive, first, to establish such a balance and then to maintain it once it is reached. O In a brief and concise manner.
the more important fundamental questions relating to youth organization and activity were discussed.
On the basis of an understanding of these basic questions it will be possible to concretize them in the actual process of building the youth organization. Upon the foundation outlined above, it will be possible to create II broad revolutionary youth organization which would heed the needs of the masses of young workers. The youth organization must, at: all events, prevent itself from becoming sectarian, ultra. political, or a second party.
The youth organization is its field cut out for it and must apply itself intelligently and diligently to these talks. ALBERT GLOTZEB.
PAGE WORLD OF LABOR NORWEGIAN LABOR PARTY ELECTION VICTORY The Municipal elections in Norway brought the expected results, in the colossal victory of the Labor Party. As against the Starting (Parliament) elections of 1933 the party gained, even though in the municipal elections the eligible electorate was smaller than in the Starting elections. Two years residence in a city is required for participation in the municipal elections. The Labor Party received in the present elections 44. 49 of all votes cast; if we add to this the Cornmunist vote the total would be 45. 58. In the capital, osio, the party received an absolute majority, where it enjoys 43 representatives as against 41 of the bourgeois parties. In at. least 45 additional cities and communities the party enjoys an absolute majority. In a number of other cities the party has an equal number of representatives to the combined strength of the bourgeois parties, and again in others such as Trondheim, Bergen, etc. they fell short of an absolute majority by only a few votes. There is hardly a community where the Labor Party is not lht strongest party.
The National Socialists received altogether 2, 88 of all votes cast. In Oslo they were united on the same ticket with two bourgeois parties. This ticket received less votes than did the Fascists by themselves in the Starting elections of last year. Here too the effect of the events of June 30th in Germany were unfavorable to the Norwegian Fascists.
From our point of view one can establish that the stronger the Labor Party becomes the more reformisi it is. The whole propaganda in the present elec tion campaign was pointed in this direction. They emulated the policies of the Swedish and Danish Government Socialists while the radical united front policies of the French section of the Second international were condemned by the Norwegian Indcpmdent Labor Party.
It might be expected that after these favorable re»
sults the party will at least issue the slogan disso utlon of the Starting and new elections. Under the pressure of the election results and the general feelIng in the country it becomes probable that the Labor Party should receive more than 50 percent of all the votes in a new election. This would be the first time that a reformist party would in actuality receive the IlOlK IDI 511 percent of the votes and one can await with anxiety the policies that will result.
But it is not to be feared that the Labor Party would raise such a radical slogan. The dissolution of the Storting has never taken place in Norway and the Labor Party foiIOWs traditions very closely. It will merely limit itself to the demand for power when the Stortiug meets in January. The King and the Prime Minister. Mowinckel, will do»
clan e that this demand has no foundation since the bourgeois parties in the Starting have a majority of six. And then quiet will prevail until the Starting elections of 1037.
o o a EXECUTIONS IN SPAIN he Lerroux Gii Robles government has carried out the first executions of participants in the recent uprising on the persons of two terrorists. Jose Naredo and Jose Guerra were shot in Asturias Thurs day morning after all attempts at intercession and prvssurc on the government for pardon or commutation had been exhausted. Many other rebels howevor, including a number of Cutalonian leaders who had also been sentenced to die, have had their sentences commuted to long prison terms, such as 30 years, life imprisonment, etc. Hundreds of other cases are still pending, awultlng court action.
In spite of the unanimous vote of confidence that it obtained from the rightist controlled parliament a few days ago, the present government is quite evidently under strong pressure from both sides. Lerroux is still obliged to heed the voice of the masses.
it is significant that the revolutionists are being prosecuted for individual acts of terrorism rather than on strictly political charges The two execu tions were only carried out with deep regrets on be part of Lerroux who feared to show further signs of weakness. However, while attempting to make a few examples, Lerroux does not dare to institute a reign of terror against the working class.
The Fascists and Monarchists have demanded that the most severe penalties be meted out to all those implicated in the revolt and that the Socialist and other labor organizations be declared illegal. But in spite of the setback suffered last month, the Spanish workers have still been able to maintain their organizations. They returned to work defeated and sullen, but by no means demoralized and hopeless.
They are now, despite continuance of martial law, still in a position to exert considerable pressure on the reactionary rightist regime. The workers move»
meat is now entering a period of readjustment in which a serious realignment of forces is taking place, Drawing the lessons of the defeat. the revolutionary currents of both major camps socialist and Syndi enlist show signs of breaking with their inept and traitoraux. leadership. It is the task the Communist Internationalists to support these progressive currents, fixing with them the responsibilities for the October debacle, drawing them to a Marxist position, and together with them constructing the new revolutionary party without which victory in the pending decisive struggle will be impossible. o o MENDIETA IN STRAITS Wall Street Cuban puppet Mendieta has appealed to the opposing capitalist parties and political groups for assistance in surmounting the present critical period. Having lost most of his own popular sup port. he now finds himself on the brink of the abyss.
Only the army under Batista, stand between him and oblivion. With a rise of the revolutionary wave the lac key of the sugar interests now finds It indispensable to broaden the base on which his rule rests.
The masses meanwhile are reassembling their lorces in an attempt to carry still further the revolution begun in August 1933, and which suffered a serious check with the fall of Gran San Martin last January and his replacement by Mendieta. While the petty bourgeois groups are still in the lead in the general political fight against the present govern ment, the workers, upon whom the real outcome must depend, are rapidly and persistently elbowing their way to the fore. Strikes follow each other in rapid succession, each wave rising higher than the preceding one.
Within the proletarian ranks a. deep ferment is taking place. The Bolshevik Leninist party advances rapidly, increasing its mass contacts and influence; the Stalinists are losing ground no less rapidly. Young Cuba. the split oil left petty bourgeois wing of the Gruuist Auteuticos. now seek a united front with the Bolshevlk Leninists. Decisive struggles All emphases mine A1.
approach.