u, mo THE COMMUNIST Action and Reaction in Ireland Eamon De Valera is here and the Irish Nat lonallsta are drunk with enthusiasm. They have answered the siren song of nationalism and their antics are disgusting to one who has am. lmpated himself from the spook of patriotism.
De Valera purpose in this country is to arouse sympathy for the Irish Republic so that he may secure the aid of the United States in gaining independence for Ireland. Independence means that the Irish workers will no longer be robbed in the terrible English way but good old Irish fashion.
in the future will be robbed in the De Valera is very much interested in ﬂoatin 5, 000, 000 worth of lush bonds and probably hopes to have as much success as did his grandfather. The contributions made to Irish freedom, of course, will total no small amount and just as well if the contributors counting of their funds. twould be do not demand too strict an acIt is very discouraging to see the Irish workers in America fall for this propaganda of Irish freedom and we have sometimes dispaired of their developing beyond that point. However, the development of the capitalist system is having its effects upon them and they are gradually learning that Sinn Fein (Ourselves) or Ulster Unionist movements can mean nothing to the working class of Ireland.
Amidst all this stench of nationalism the following manifesto comes like a breath of fresh air from Ireland. We do not know the calibre of the organization that produced it, but rev gardless of its size or character the manifesto is evidence that there are some revolutionary workers in Ireland.
MANIFESTO OF THE REVOLU.
TIONARY SOCIALIST PARTY OF IRELAND.
To The Irish Working Class.
Fall Wurhrs: There has not been a cause in Ireland for which Irish workers have not taught on the side of the oppressed iguiuit the oppressors. The time has It last come when they must ﬁght for their own fnl the emancipation of their class. The time has come when we must organize towards the establishment of our liberation from 12. wages system which exploits our human power to labour and produce wealth.
If Hater Unionist prevails there will still remain an Irish working class.
If Sinn Fein prevails there will still be an Irish working clsns. There will still remain an Irish master class, content to be masters of Irish human beings.
Let us determine that we who pro»
ducc all that is produced in Ireland tbst we who make Ireland habit;able and fertile shall not longer yield the produce of our labour to the runsters who whip us with the tyranny of Wiles. Let us resolve that we shall no longer build and another inhabit sow and another reap, but that we shall make Ireland Socialist Republic. wherein shall dwell no parasite nor proﬁt ulcer and all will contribute to the needs of all and the barm. of the commonwealth.
Irish Labour has been organized to high percentage during the last two ya. particularly. All over Ireland In Trsdc Union branches. On the but. at increased wares. worker!
have organized. The working class ﬂuent: the nut majority of the 9910. Ind yet, even with increased wins, iu standard of living never mulls the bsro subsistence love ﬂavor will as long the waxes endures, because was. or summing prim or human in. slwsys measured by the emPloyinz class according u ths mmllama lml oi qualitying and monu. the wage labourer. James Connolly pointed out lb!
Clvihlinn II the most oreizu thing in Ireland. It has now bscomn the obsolete because the national.
Wmmlnd o! the rank and ﬁle In it in their cowl Ion or industrial democracy. They respond with an irrepressible fellowship to the new economic order with which Russia has begun to deluge Llle vile tyrannies of the capitalist system of the world.
Capitalism, which originated in aggrandisemant and wholesale expropriation, has endured into the warfare of exhaustion.
We can dispense with the capitalists. We cnnnot dispense with labour and the powcr to produce wealth.
Only the working class possesses this power. The working class of the world has begun to assert this power.
The working class of Ireland is In pe or the same assertion.
The leaders of ofﬁcial Labour have failed during the revolutionary years of 1917 1919 to formulate or direct an economic policy upon the basis of the emancipation of the exploited 4 lab people.
They have not admitted their failure and claim that, as leaders, it is their function to be led by the rank and ﬁle.
Let us lead them! Let us see to it that they become the obedient servants of the class whose interests they advocate. Let us point the way and see to it that they neither impede nnr fail us, but that they march side by side with us in ﬁdelity to the magniﬁcent cause of our emancipation. Rev memberl There is but one thing to destray capitalism; one thing to construck Socialism.
It is impossible for us to take immediate control of the land of Ireland the industries of Ireland ho.
cause the existing organization of the workers is based on surface Trade Union safeguards and reform of present conditions.
Reform in no use to us. We rsquirs a revolution of the existing economic order, so that the many who Inv not shall come into control and possession, and the few who luvs all shall become dispossessed of all but the right to cooperate with us on mm. of more human equality.
We must organize ourselves into workers commlttoos round the factories, farms and workshops where employed, and from thm works committees elect in all the exiILinz Pull manta. Division! 01 IrePsro Thru The Split in the Socialist rty 0N. began to look for means whereby the Bidﬁiii is fziii party tou l: house. on I: better Gear:1. l1 ﬂlll II OE Or thumb Fodmmn 331335: pagty hourpcoic hssb which had ﬂourished, not only in the party platforms, but In all at its litu ltdn and at all its meetings. But now was it to be dona Everyone interested ln the Inrlier part of the American labor movement, remembers well the ordsru that prevailed in the party: in every nook there was a boss. every boss had his own organ, and ovary organ advocated new socialism. The now education was spread both among the party members and the working masses in general. The party itself hardly printed any literature at all.
It was satisfied with the stribution of private literature, which often elucidated questions in such mums that the European socialist (even tho centrist Gel maul) after coming to this country and learning its languags would read a pamphlet on the posibilities of Ford Socialism. or pamphlet urging that the capitalist government must become the owner of the trusts (as if it: were not already a tool of the trusts. or a painphlet proving that the party candidates, when elected to the City Council will ease the life of the working class by dcclensing the prices of food. mill: depots, electric plants, street car systems. etc, the immiw grant Socialist would cry out: In the country of dollars the Socialists are of the dollar kind also! Their party will never rise if it continues to follow in these old tracks.
of course, the capitalistic system itself was breeding the revolutionists.
To fence in the Socialist Party so thlt the revolutionists could not enter was the task which the party ofﬁcers could not quite accomplish. And on account uf the party dilapidated ms«
chinery and steadily declining inﬂuence among the working class, not only was dissatisfaction growing moon: the members, but the revolu tionary elements, in the fall of 1916, became so hold that they openly dared to raise their Voices against such persons as Benson, Berger, Gonbel, and others, who spoke in the name of the Socialist Party to advocate the socialism of Bismarck. But these revolutionary elements in the party was confronted with quite a delicate question. Something bad to be done immediately if the party was to he saved not only from the clutches of persons who have nothing in com.
mon with the political action (in the real sense of the word) of the workug class, but from in complete di lnpidation us well.
The history of the split in tho Sociallst Party really begins in 1916.
whorl Allan Bonson was nnmnd atandard honrir for the party. Thll man, as candidate for Presidant of the United States. travelling through the country agitating for his election, never in his speeches mentioned by as much as half a word the class struggle. On the contrary, his advocacy had nothing in common with Socialism. remember the newspaper re»
port. of his speech at Cleveland, Ohio, where to the question why does he not speak about the class struggle instead of mlking only about votes of the citizens and the whole lot of good he is going to do when he is elected President, he answered The present is no time to talk of such things us the class struggle.
The elections. as we know, gave sad results, the number of Socialist votes declining to half the number cast for Comrade Debs in 1912. At the same time the party members whose brains were not ﬁlled with auc socialism as that which was established by Berger and his friends in Milwaukee, of working men and women. to whom we can depute the fulﬁllment of the social and industrial needs of the special areas which elect them.
By organizing on these lines we shall he liberating the local forces of the Irish working class. We shall create the incentive towards control and ownership of the means of pro»
duction and social life, which at pra sent. in the hands of the master class.
are used as the means wherewith to exploit the mass of the Irish people.
Fellow workers, it is in the power of the rank and ﬁle to do this. It is in our power to transform existing organizations of our class out of their present appeals for increased wages and similar palliatives into force: which will function towards control of the means of life, and establish us once for all above our present slavery into a moral standard of human life Let us be fearless. In liberating the Irish working class we are lifting Ire»
land into the lofty purpose of the Russian pioneers who have turned the base greed of the European war for possession or fresh markets of exploitation into the tremendous redemption of the world working class.
Let us contribute our heroism to the class wnr which is spreading over the world, so that 1mm generatior to generation those who come after us will do homage to our courage in an era of human release and golden opportunity, an era wherein the calm mon and equal peoples of the future will trend across the memories of our age of degradation into the happy triumphs of human attainment such as the world has never theretofora known.
The entire political machinery o!
the party was in the hands of the opportunists; the entire press was also in their hands. They held not ly the party rains, but the means. communication as well. Then what could be done by the members who saw in the activity of the leaders. in the party tactics and even in its pl ln ciples only peril to the labor move ment; only the useless waste of ansrgy and money for the agitation and propaganda for omces in government institutions for the beneﬁt of the lndividull personal The hop.
still entertained by some that Sociallst representatives in tho zovurn merit had some importance, disnp poured like a dream durlnz Meyer London term in Contra. blowing the horn of democracy. At that time somewhat sharper criticism had appeared also for the German social.
Let us not dream now, but arise and act. Let us act quickly. Let us escape from neutrality which supports the master class of the world and who our stand ﬁrmly with the working class oI the World in the class Wll which is thundering over the earth. All power to the Workers Councils n! Ireland tho speedy emnn.
cipntion of the Irish working classl on behalf of the Nstlonal Exaou tvo o te Rsvolutionar l Party of Ireland. y In THOMAS PENNYCODK, land Workm Councils. councils (Notion Emmy. Continued on Page 0)